Direct translation
Has the successor been decided? Ding Xuexiang won Xi Jinping's trust with this incident
Reporter : Qian Qiusui / Editor: Li Hua / Source: People's Daily / https://www.aboluowang.com/2025/0723/2251651.html
Recently, the rumored list of Xi Jinping's successors also included Vice Premier Ding Xuexiang. Although the outside world believes that his ability is average, how did Ding Xuexiang gain Xi Jinping's trust? Let's take a look at the story of Ding Xuexiang and Xi Jinping in Shanghai.
In 1998, the Ministry of Machinery Industry was abolished, and the Shanghai Institute of Materials was assigned to the Shanghai Science and Technology Commission system. The following year, 37-year-old Ding Xuexiang became a cadre of the Shanghai Embassy and served as the deputy director of the Shanghai Science and Technology Commission at the political bureau level. The political arena in Shanghai at that time was not calm. Huang Ju, the secretary of the municipal party committee, was Jiang's former secretary-general and a traditional bureaucrat. Mayor Xu Kuangdi was Zhu Rongji's favorite and a scientist. The two people had very different ideas. Xu Kuangdi admired Ding Xuexiang, who came from a scientific research unit, very much and pushed him to be the mayor of Zhabei District. Although it was a lower-level district in Shanghai, he also had experience in governing a local area and completed a work resume.
Soon, Xu Kuangdi reached retirement age. It is said that Huang Ju also reported Xu Kuangdi to Jiang. Jiang Zemin transferred Xu Kuangdi to the China Academy of Engineering as president, and let Huang Ju's younger brother Chen Liangyu take over as mayor. Fortunately, Xu Kuangdi's assistant Jiang Sixian was transferred to the Organization Department of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. Ding Xuexiang was also recommended as the deputy director of the Organization Department and the director of the Personnel Bureau.
From this, we can see that although Ding Xuexiang was also born in Shanghai in his early years, he could not be regarded as Jiang's man at that time, nor could he be regarded as the mainstream faction of the Shanghai Gang, but a non-mainstream faction in the Shanghai officialdom. So he did not have the opportunity to take the classic promotion path from district mayor to district party secretary, and then to the leader. Not having been a district party secretary is also the most criticized part of his career.
Of course, Ding Xuexiang has a gentle personality, is relatively low-key, respects any leader, and works more seriously. The impression given to the outside world is that he is a scientific and technological cadre, so the factional color is not strong. Although Xu Guangdi valued him very much, Huang Ju and Chen Liangyu would not hate him, but they would not let Ding Xuexiang enter their core circle. During this period, he had more contact with Han Zheng, and Han Zheng also recognized him.
In 2006, Ding Xuexiang's career ushered in a new turning point. After the Chen Liangyu case broke out, Sun Luyi, director of the Municipal Party Committee Office, was also dismissed. After Mayor Han Zheng presided over the work of the Municipal Party Committee, he needed to transfer someone who did not belong to Chen Liangyu's faction to replace Sun Luyi. As a person outside Chen Liangyu's faction, Ding Xuexiang's opportunity came. He was transferred to the deputy secretary-general of the Municipal Party Committee and director of the General Office, and returned to his old office business.
In 2007, Xi Jinping suddenly transferred to the position of Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, bringing only Zhong Shaojun from Zhejiang. At that time, the political arena in Shanghai was in a situation of panic. Because the former secretary of the Municipal Party Committee was in trouble, almost all senior cadres in Shanghai had various degrees of contact with him. They anxiously awaited the trial of the new secretary. And Xi Jinping was unsure about the big Shanghai. He did not know the history of these cadres. As the director of the Municipal Party Committee Office, Ding Xuexiang was the first person Xi Jinping contacted during his time in Shanghai, and one of the people he contacted the most.
Xi Jinping could only look for people who understood Shanghai's political scene among his friends and seek their advice. He thought of Xu Kuangdi. After Xi Jinping began to serve as the Secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee in 2003, he invited Xu Kuangdi, then the President of the Chinese Academy of Engineering, to lead a team to inspect Zhejiang. He also specially invited Xu Kuangdi to give lectures to cadres throughout Zhejiang Province. Xu grew up in Hangzhou and has deep feelings for Zhejiang. As a scientist and politician, his explanations of many truths are easy to understand, which deeply conquered Xi Jinping, an elementary school liberal arts student. From that time on, Xi Jinping regarded Xu Kuangdi as his senior consultant and advisor.
Xu Kuangdi served as the mayor of Shanghai for many years and knew Shanghai very well. He gave Xi Jinping, the new Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, a lot of advice. Xu also recommended several people to Xi Jinping, one of whom was Ding Xuexiang, which was equivalent to helping Ding Xuexiang endorse in front of Xi Jinping.
The situation Xi Jinping faced when he first arrived in Shanghai was very similar to the situation Jiang Zemin faced when he arrived at the central government in 1989. Xi Jinping faced the situation after his predecessor Chen Liangyu's incident, and Jiang Zemin faced the situation after the fall of Zhao Ziyang. Xi Jinping has to face one mother-in-law, Jiang Zemin, while Jiang Zemin faces two mothers-in-law, Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun. Xi Jinping faces Han Zheng, a local tyrant who is in charge of Shanghai's work and does not know who is his enemy, while Jiang Zemin faces Li Peng, a local tyrant who is in charge of the central work and does not know who is his enemy. They may be set up at any time.
Xi Jinping brought Zhong Shaojun to Shanghai. In this complicated situation, Xi Jinping met Ding Xuexiang, director of the General Office of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. Ding Xuexiang tried his best to help Xi Jinping familiarize himself with the situation in Shanghai, racked his brains to give advice to his new master, and helped him complete the most difficult transition stage.
Ding Xuexiang has two advantages. One is that he is familiar with the work of the General Office, and the other is that he once served as the deputy director of the Organization Department of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee and the director of the Personnel Bureau. He is familiar with the situation of Shanghai cadres and can give Xi Jinping many personnel suggestions.
For Ding Xuexiang, the most urgent task is to assist Xi Jinping in convening the 9th Party Congress in Shanghai. This Party Congress is the most important task and test given to Xi Jinping by the Central Committee. It also plays a decisive role in stabilizing the Shanghai officialdom, which was in a state of panic after the Chen Liangyu case.
Xi Jinping came to Shanghai in March 2007, and the Party Congress was held in May. There were only two months to prepare, which was quite tight. This was also the big test that Ding Xuexiang faced, and it was the busiest two months in his life.
He assisted Xi Jinping in convening four seminars, and led the team to complete the drafting of the conference report and conference work in a race against time. He almost perfectly completed this almost impossible task and passed Xi Jinping's test of his ability. It was also at this conference that Ding Xuexiang became a member of the Standing Committee and Secretary-General of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee. Not only did he complete the thrilling leap to the vice-ministerial level, he also officially became Xi Jinping's chief secretary and started a new life. Xi Jinping only stayed in office as Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee for seven months. In fact, he didn't have time to do anything big except holding the Party Congress.
At that time, it was half a year before the 17th National Congress, and the bigwigs were already planning the personnel layout for the next five years. Jiang Zemin and Zeng Qinghong had already planned to recommend Xi Jinping as the crown prince. Therefore, Xi Jinping's performance in Shanghai is related to whether he can pass the test of the central leadership and whether he can be successfully elected as the crown prince at the 17th National Congress. The most critical thing is not what he actually did, but what kind of reputation and word of mouth he left to the outside world.
Ding Xuexiang quickly figured out the boss's needs and formulated a series of measures around this need.
The first is to create a person who is good at negotiation. Under the guidance of Xi Jinping, Ding Xuexiang took the lead in formulating the rules of procedure of the Standing Committee of the Municipal Party Committee and the working rules of the Municipal Party Committee, with the aim of leaving the impression that he is good at democratic consultation to the outside world, in order to contrast with Chen Liangyu's arbitrary rule.
The second is to create a reputation for being good at listening and caring about people's livelihood. This comes from a basic assumption that as a big leader, the more people you directly contact, the more people will say good things about you. Therefore, Ding Xuexiang set every Thursday as Xi Jinping's research day, helped Xi Jinping formulate a large-scale research plan, and traveled all over Shanghai. Ding Xuexiang also demonstrated his strong coordination and execution capabilities. Whenever Xi Jinping puts forward an idea, Director Ding can always quickly find a landing plan.
The third is the typical example of party building. The difference between Shanghai and Zhejiang is that state-owned enterprises are relatively strong, and the proportion in cities is larger than that in rural areas. Therefore, Ding Xuexiang assisted Xi Jinping in focusing on party building in state-owned enterprises and communities, and made these two brands. Of course, this is the main job of the Municipal Party Committee Organization Department. The Secretary-General of the Municipal Party Committee is a big housekeeper and an important planner. As the Secretary-General of the Municipal Party Committee, Ding Xuexiang is in charge of three virtual offices in addition to traditional departments such as the Municipal Party Committee Office and Research Office, namely the Office of the Municipal Party Committee's Financial and Economic Leading Group, the Office of the Municipal Party Committee's Decision-making Advisory Committee, and the Office of the Municipal Party Committee's Party Building Leading Group. These three offices have become Xi Jinping's think tanks and have provided a lot of reference opinions for the Municipal Party Committee's decision-making.
In 2007, the 17th National Congress was held, and Xi Jinping was elected as a member of the Political Bureau Standing Committee as expected. He officially became the next generation of the crown prince. After Xi Jinping arrived in Beijing, in order to avoid being criticized, he still only brought Zhong Shaojun, his personal secretary, without Ding Xuexiang.
Xi Jinping is very familiar with Chinese history and knows that the crown prince is actually a dangerous position. If he does well, he may succeed in ascending the throne, but if he does not do well, he may be ruined. Therefore, in the five years since the 17th National Congress, Xi Jinping has been suppressing his desire for performance and power, and rarely expressed his opinions to the outside world. When it comes to employing people, Xi Jinping rarely speaks for the promotion of people from his faction, even though he is a member of the Standing Committee in charge of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. Until he took a high position, especially the layout of the 20th National Congress, almost all of them were his own people.
Breaking News! Next Leadership Lineup: Xi Retains Only Military Commission Chairmanship; Who Becomes General Secretary and State President?
Reporter : Wang Duruo / Editor : Fang Xun / https://www.aboluowang.com/2026/1006/2442220.html
Jiang Wangzheng, a former CCP official from the Jiangsu-Zhejiang faction now exiled in Australia, revealed on 5 October 2026 that—based on information from the "Zhijiang New Army," "Minjiang Old Guard," and "Pujiang New Army" circles—major adjustments to the CCP's top leadership may be in store. According to these reports, Xi Jinping would retain the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission, while Li Qiang would assume the roles of CCP General Secretary and State President; Ding Xuexiang would become Premier of the State Council; Li Shulei would serve as Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC); and Chen Min'er would take over as Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC).
Jiang also disclosed key points to watch regarding the Fifth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee: whether Cai Qi will step down as Director of the General Office of the CCP Central Committee and be succeeded by Zhao Yide or Chen Jining; whether Yin Hong or Shen Xiaoming will take over Wang Xiaohong's role as Party Secretary of the Ministry of Public Security; whether He Lifeng will be replaced by Gong Zheng; and whether figures such as Chen Xiaojiang and Zhang Shengmin will be added to the Politburo.
U.S.-based commentator "Finding" analyzes that among current Politburo Standing Committee members, Li Qiang, Cai Qi, and Ding Xuexiang are the most frequently discussed candidates for succession. Li Qiang is the nominal "number two" figure and controls the State Council system; Cai Qi is closest to the core of supreme power, overseeing the General Office and related security systems, though he has made many enemies; Ding Xuexiang possesses an age advantage but lacks an independent political power base.
However, French commentator Edysen points out that the issue is not merely "who succeeds whom," but whether the CCP possesses a set of rules for power succession that is mutually acceptable to all factions.
Apollo Net commentator Wang Duran notes that Jiang Wangzheng has consistently favored Li Qiang in his past disclosures; consequently, some commentators speculate that he may be signaling on behalf of Li Qiang's faction to gauge public opinion. However, having previously served in the officialdom of Jiangsu and Zhejiang, Jiang Wangzheng’s network is concentrated in that region; consequently, his information regarding mid-to-high-level CCP personnel appointments has a high accuracy rate, whereas his revelations concerning the innermost circle of top-level power have proven less reliable.
Wang Duran analyzes that if these revelations are accurate, Xi Jinping’s plan is to appoint Li Qiang as the nominal top leader while retaining actual control over the military and ultimate decision-making authority—effectively becoming a "paramount ruler behind the scenes" (or "emperor emeritus"), much like Jiang Zemin was during the Hu Jintao era. Li Qiang has long been viewed as a subordinate to Xi; since becoming Premier, he has effectively ceded the State Council's actual power to Xi.
Wang Duran concludes by noting that Xi Jinping’s physical health is clearly not what it used to be; while this arrangement might represent his ideal scenario, "man proposes, but God disposes."
Jiang Wangzheng:
The "Zhijiang New Army," "Minjiang Old Guard," and "Pujiang New Army" factions...
Confirmed via three channels, the lineup for the next CCP term:
Xi Jinping: Retains the role of Chairman of the Central Military Commission
General Secretary and State President: Li Qiang
Premier of the State Council: Ding Xuexiang
National People's Congress (NPC): Li Shulei
Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC): Chen Min'er
Key points to watch at the 20th Party Congress's Fifth Plenary Session:
1. Whether Cai Qi will relinquish the role of Director of the General Office of the CCP Central Committee.
Will Zhao Yide go directly to the General Office, or will Chen Jining take that post while Zhao Yide becomes the Party Secretary of Shanghai?
2. Who will take over the role of Party Committee Secretary of the Ministry of Public Security from Wang Xiaohong: Yin Hong or Shen Xiaoming?
3. Whether He Lifeng will be replaced by Gong Zheng.
4. Whether the appointments of Chen Xiaojiang, Zhang Shengmin, and others as members of the CCP Central Committee Politburo will actually materialize.
Image : Screenshot from X
Finding:
Who is most likely to succeed? The current Standing Committee members, ranked by order of precedence, are: Li Qiang (Premier of the State Council), Zhao Leji (Chairman of the NPC Standing Committee), Wang Huning (Chairman of the CPPCC), Cai Qi (Director of the General Office of the CCP Central Committee and top-ranked member of the Secretariat), Ding Xuexiang, and Li Xi (Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection). Three individuals are frequently discussed by outside observers: Cai Qi oversees day-to-day operations and personal security—placing him closest to the "guns and the gates" (military and security apparatus)—yet he has made too many enemies; Li Qiang is the nominal number-two figure with a background in the government bureaucracy; he comes across as an affable, easygoing person, yet his influence over the appointment of the Shanghai mayor demonstrates that he wields real clout, and theoretically, he holds the second-highest rank in China; Ding Xuexiang possesses an age advantage—though this can also be a liability—and wields relatively less political power. The remaining figures appear to play roles based on balancing interests and procedural formalities rather than being natural candidates for supreme leadership.
Peng Liyuan (and Xi Mingze) enjoy advantages regarding trust and access to information; however, the CCP lacks a system for succession by a spouse or child, making this scenario possible but unlikely.
Edysen:
The question truly worth asking today is not "who is most likely to succeed"—whether it be Li Qiang, Cai Qi, Ding Xuexiang, or anyone else—but rather a more fundamental one: Does the CCP still possess a set of rules for supreme power succession that is mutually accepted by all factions?
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