Myanmar’s young people are calling on their fellow citizens not to celebrate the country’s major traditional new year water festival next week. The boycott is seen as an act of defiance against the regime and as a way of honoring those murdered by the military junta.
Normally at this time of year, the Southeast Asian country is buzzing with preparations for its annual Thingyan Water Festival, one of the landmark traditional and cultural activities on the Myanmar calendar. It is a days-long holiday with joyful outdoor events, dominated by people splashing water on each other, which nearly everyone in the country loves to celebrate.
Many people in Myanmar had been particularly looking forward to participating in this year’s festival, which is scheduled to start on April 13, as they missed last year’s due to a government ban amid the raging COVID-19 epidemic in the country at the time.
However, their hopes were shattered with the military takeover in February and the regime’s subsequent killings of more than 500 people so far amid their crackdowns on protesters against military rule. Nationwide resistance is in full swing and the whole country is reeling from the bloodbath created by the regime.
One week prior to the festival, young people in Yangon, Taunggyi in Shan State, and other areas launched online campaigns urging people not to take part in the event.
If the campaign turns out to be a success, it would be a big blow to the junta, which is desperate to show the world that everything in Myanmar is under control and that the situation is back to normal.
If the boycott goes ahead, the streets of Yangon and other cities across the country will be totally deserted, reminiscent of the COVID-19 lockdown period that Myanmar saw exactly one year ago.
“We seriously urge you not to participate in the festival, especially at this time when we are under the regime that unjustly seized power,” requested an announcement made by young people in Yangon’s Hlaing Township.
The statement also warned that public participation in the festival could fuel the regime’s disinformation effort to create a show of normalcy at home and abroad.
“Furthermore, we request you to show your sympathy for those killed and wounded by the junta and their bereaved families, by not participating in the festival,” it added.
Unsurprisingly, many people have already expressed reluctance to take part in the celebration, feeling it would be inappropriate amid the ongoing national strife and the resulting tragedy.
Ko Paing, not his real name, from Yangon’s Thaketa Township said he won’t join the water festival under military rule.
“Yes, it’s one of the festivals I enjoy most. As long as they are in power, happiness means nothing for us. Even Thingyan can’t bring it for us,” he said.
“Furthermore, any participation is an act of dishonor to those murdered by the regime,” he added.
News (3)
Karen National Union: Suu Kyi will now understand her mistakes
The Karen National Union (KNU) is one of the ethnic armed organizations that has attacked Myanmar’s military since its February coup.
KNU Brigade 5 has seized two military outposts in Papun District in Karen State and blocked food deliveries to military troops based in Papun, prompting the military to carry out airstrikes, which killed several people and forced thousands to flee their homes.
Besides military action, the KNU is negotiating with the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (National Parliament), the CRPH, a body representing elected National League for Democracy (NLD) MPs, to discuss establishing a federal union.
KNU Brigade 5 spokesman Padoh Mahn Mahn told The Irrawaddy about the situation in Papun and the KNU’s talks with the CRPH.
How is the fighting between the military and KNU Brigade 5? Was there further bombing?
There were bombings from March 27 to 31. There has not been bombing since April 1. But it is not yet safe and there is still air reconnaissance.
We have seen a unilateral ceasefire announcement by the military council. It has stopped attacking perhaps because of its ceasefire. Perhaps, they are making preparations, citing a ceasefire.
How are the displaced coping?
The villagers dare not return home. Some of them fled to the Thai border but the majority are hiding in caves and forests to avoid further bombing. Some are in Thai forests and are struggling to find food and shelter.
At first, we heard the authorities in Mae Hong Son province prepared for the refugees. How is the situation on the ground?
First they said they made preparations in various places but when our people began to appear, they turned them back. There is no guarantee people can safely flee into Thailand.
Did the airstrikes deliberately target Karen villagers?
All the people who were killed or injured are villagers. All the buildings damaged are inside villages. We can say that the military targets civilians. This has never changed since the very beginning. They attack Karen fighters but they never spare villagers. Everyone has seen that they have brutally killed unarmed civilians even in cities which are not conflict zones. Such bombing is common to us.
What is your view on the CRPH federal democracy charter? Did Brigade 5 participate in drafting the charter?
They consulted the KNU as a whole rather than Brigade 5. Since they started drafting the charter, the KNU participated as an armed revolutionary organization. The KNU central committee leaders participated in the process.
The CRPH talked about establishing a federal army with ethnic armed organizations? What are the chances of that?
We don’t see clear principles about a federal army in the charter. But we can see they will establish defense forces. On our participation in any proposed army, ethnic groups already fight for their autonomy. So we will continue to defend our land.
While the CRPH has issued the federal democracy charter, it has also scrapped the 2008 Constitution. We welcome that. We are satisfied to an extent with the charter to establish a federal union.
However, there is a question about how to overcome obstacles in the process of implementing the charter.
Do you mean many things remain to be done to establish a federal army?
The armed organizations have political backgrounds, clear political objectives and territories. It would be pragmatic to establish a federal army based on the existing ethnic armed organizations.
We have to defend and repulse the injustice and violence of the military council. A federal army can be established either by adopting a new constitution or based on existing armed organizations.
We heard that ethnic groups are concerned the CRPH will renege on commitments if Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is released? Is that the case?
Many expected Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to amend the 2008 Constitution. But there was no tangible progress after five years. What’s worse, the NLD only looked to get along with the military. It did not just ignore ethnic armed organizations but adopted policies to suppress them. These things still haunt us.
However, under the current political landscape, if the CRPH is totally committed to implementing a federal charter, we have nothing to worry about. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi might now understand that she was wrong to think she could change the military and that her national reconciliation efforts have failed. Though we have reasons to be concerned, we assume that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi understands this now.
News (4)
Family of NLD fugitive detailed by Myanmar military regime
Myanmar’s security forces have detained the family of a Bago Region National League for Democracy (NLD) information officer, including three young children, after failing to arrest him.
Ko Ja Lay is in hiding after he was charged under Article 25 of the Disaster Management Law in February for allegedly interacting with a crowd during the coronavirus pandemic. Following the coup, he led anti-regime protests in Thayawady Township, Bago Region. The military has since pressured his family, demanding he hand himself in to the police.
A relative said Ko Ja Lay’s four-year-old daughter, two-year-old niece and 13-year-old brother-in-law were abducted by the security forces for more than 13 hours.
“His wife is already in hiding to avoid the security forces who kept asking about his whereabouts. She had to leave her daughter with her family. We were detained by the military while we were taking their daughter to her mother,” she said.
“We were taken to a police station and then an army camp. The children were frightened. They kept asking where Ko Ja Lay was. They released us when they realized we knew nothing about Ko Ja Lay,” she added.
“Their daughter is already traumatized about being separated from her parents. I am worried that she might suffer more trauma after being seized,” she said.
Relatives of NLD members, protest leaders and civil servants who joined the civil disobedience movement have been seized by the security forces to force suspects to turn themselves in.
In Mawlamyine Township, Mon State, two adult sons of a university academic, who was refusing to work under the military regime, have been detained for nearly two weeks after the authorities were unable to arrest him.
News (5)
Protestors in Sagaing Region shot dead
Three men were shot dead on Monday when junta forces fired on anti-regime protesters in Pinlebu Township, Sagaing Region.
Regime security forces launched a crackdown on the protesters at around 10am Monday. Police opened fire after they arrested two youths who were at the forefront of the protest. Seven others were injured, according to Pinlebu residents who spoke anonymously.
Ko Aung Naing Win, in his twenties, was the first victim to die.
“The police arrested two protesters and also briefly detained a ward administrator who went to negotiate for their release. They opened fire on the protesters who called for the detainees’ release, injuring seven. Ko Aung Naing Win was hit in his chest and died soon after arriving at hospital,” said a rescue worker who asked not to be named.
The rescue worker said one of the injured is a 12-year-old girl who was wounded while she was closing a window at her home after hearing the sound of gunfire. She was hit in her arm and had not been present at the protest, he added.
Although the administrator was released in the afternoon, the youths are still in detention.
Two other men died after being shot in the chest on Monday evening, when police opened fire on protesters calling for the release of those detained at Pinlebu police station at around 8pm. Residents said shooting could be heard from 8 pm to the early morning on Tuesday. The Township’s court and administrative offices were also burned down on Monday night.
“Some people fired back with traditional homemade percussion lock firearms. But as they were outgunned, several people got shot by the police. Two of them: Ko Ja Pan and Ko Mya Win, both of them in their late twenties, died that night,” said a Pinlebu resident.
Monday’s incident was the first time protesters in Pinlebu have been killed in a regime crackdown. Residents said that they had heard that reinforcements for the security forces are coming to the town from Kawlin Township.
Since late March, villagers and protesters in Sagaing Region’s Pinlebu, Yinmabin, Kale and Tamu townships have used improvised weapons to defend themselves against the brutal crackdowns of the junta forces.
In Yimabin Township’s Thabyayaye village, villagers fought back when regime forces raided the village at around 3am. on April 2. Two men, U Tin Maung Myint and U Aung Nyein, died. Their bodies were retrieved on April 5 for their funerals.
A youth protester from Yinmabin told The Irrawaddy that anti-regime protests are happening every day in dozens of villages.
However, news about anti-coup protests is not as widespread as before as the regime has blocked mobile internet and public wifi nationwide since mid-March, while internet services have also been cut from 1am to 9am every day since mid- February.
Protesters in Tamu, which borders India, also told The Irrawaddy that they would stick to the plan of the Civil Defense Force to protect themselves from the military’s violence.
As of April 5, 570 people have been killed by junta forces, while 2,728 people are still being detained, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.
News (6)
75-year-old woman kidnapped by Myanmar soldiers
Myanmar’s military regime on Sunday arrested the chairwoman of the National League for Democracy (NLD)’s branch in Yangon’s Shwepyitha Township.
Regime forces abducted Daw Mya Mya Win from her house at around 2 p.m. on Sunday, according to sources close to her. Junta troops also reportedly came for her in March, but at the time, the 75-year-old was away from her home in hiding. On that occasion they instead took her daughter-in-law for interrogation.
“As security forces didn’t see her, they took her daughter-in-law for interrogation and released her around two hours later,” said a source close to Daw Mya Mya Win.
“They have detained [Daw Mya Mya Win] for no valid reason. We are deeply concerned because there were previous cases in which NLD members were severely tortured,” said the source.
Junta security forces arrested NLD member U Zaw Myat Lin, the manager of the Suu Vocational Institute (Shwepyitha), on March 8, the same day they first came to look for Daw Mya Mya Win. He was tortured to death.
U Khin Maung Latt, the NLD ward chairman in Yangon’s Pabedan Township, died in military custody on March 6.
U Kyaw Ko Ko, an executive of the NLD office in Naypyitaw’s Zabuthiri Township, was arrested on March 15 and died 15 days later in military custody.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a total of 2,667 people were arrested from Feb. 1 to April 4, with 425 people being forced into hiding.
News (7)
Analyst: China's policy on Myanmar Junta endangers its interests
China’s refusal to condemn Myanmar’s military regime endangers its interests in its southern neighbor as anti-Chinese sentiment grows, according to the UK-based think-tank Chatham House.
A report by senior research fellow Dr. Gareth Price said the lack of criticism of Myanmar’s military takeover shows China’s self-interest, saying it is happy to deal with whoever wields power in Naypyidaw.
Price said: “China may feel that, regardless of the outcome, it will continue to be Myanmar’s major partner. But that feeling may be a misjudgment because, if the military is forced to back down, it may result in a more pronounced anti-China tilt, threatening its strategic interests.
“China’s ‘laissez-faire’ attitude so far puts them under threat, as some Chinese factories have been burned down and protesters have threatened to blow up pipelines,” he said.
“The optics surrounding China’s de facto protection of the military are not good internationally,” the political-risk analyst said.
Myanmar is key to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), potentially giving Beijing access to the Indian Ocean through the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone in Rakhine State.
Since the February 1 coup, China and Russia have blocked action at the United Nations Security Council. Anti-Chinese sentiment has rapidly risen in Myanmar and protesters have called for opposition to all Chinese projects and imports.
Beijing has called for dialogue and labeled the coup “an internal affair”, saying the international community should not interfere.
“But were China to stop ‘not interfering’ this could enable broader international action and, although it might threaten China’s interests in Myanmar in the short-term, it would likely advance them in the longer-term,” Price said.
“Myanmar’s generals have no intention of ceding power but, without Chinese acquiescence, they face significant challenges trying to hold on to it.
“China needs to be aware that a ‘one size fits all’ policy of non-interference will not win many friends, and any it does win are likely to be of the less salubrious kind,” he wrote.
The analyst warned that more alarmingly for China was that ethnic armed groups were coming together in opposition to the regime.
“It is also worth considering the situation in Myanmar may yet descend into civil war, particularly given the stance taken by the ethnic groups. That too would threaten China’s interests,” Price said.
Military tensions are rising, especially in Kachin and Shan states, where many Chinese projects are planned, including three cross-border economic cooperation zones, the Muse-Mandalay railway and Myitkyina Industrial Zone.
Fighting between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Myanmar’s military is reported across Kachin and northern Shan states. The KIA launched offensives against military and police positions, saying it stands with the protesters.
Moreover, tensions have risen with the Karen Nation Union’s (KNU) in Papun, Nyaunglebin and Thaton districts.
The KNU urged the military to release all detainees and stop all crackdowns on peaceful protesters.
The Brotherhood Alliance, which includes the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, Ta’ang National Liberation Army and Arakan Army, condemned the junta, warning that it is ready to join forces with all ethnic minorities to fight the regime if the killing of protesters continues.
Following the Brotherhood Alliance warning, China has reportedly requested a meeting with the regime over growing concerns about the security of its oil and gas pipelines. China is pressuring the regime to reinforce security for the pipelines, particularly in northern Shan State where tensions are particularly high.
“Were China to take a more critical approach and encourage the military to back down, potentially the coup could be seen as a temporary aberration. The more people die, the less plausible this will be, increasing the likelihood of civil war.” Price said.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners reported that at least 564 civilians have been killed by the security forces since the coup.
News (8)
Shadow Government's Federal Union Plan for Myanmar's future
U Yee Mon is the spokesman for the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), a body representing the lawmakers of the National League for Democracy (NLD) elected in the 2020 general election. He spoke to The Irrawaddy recently about the prospects for federalism in Myanmar, a national unity government, a national unity consultative council, a federal army, the possibility of civil war and the stance of ousted leader State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
First of all, I would like to know why the CRPH was established?
Lawmakers are those who the people have given a mandate to. Now that the whole country is under the boot of the military, we believe that the responsibility to oppose the coup has fallen on our shoulders. This is why the CRPH has emerged.
The CRPH is moving in the right direction in an orderly manner so far. It has won strong popular support. And all the CRPH members are safe so far. And we have the strength to move forward. This is encouraging.
Can you explain about the government to be formed by the CRPH?
We now have an acting government led by acting vice-president Mahn Win Khaing Than. Soon, there will be a new government formed under the mandate of the 2020 election. That new government is intended to be a national unity government (NUG).
It will comprise both NLD and non-NLD members, especially ethnic leaders. We are holding wide-ranging discussions. Along with the NUG, the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) will also be formed.
The CRPH on March 31 issued a ‘Federal Democracy Charter’ and also announced the annulling of the 2008 Constitution. In fact, the charter was not entirely drafted by the CRPH. It was drafted and approved by at least four groups, including elected lawmakers and political parties, CDM (civil disobedience movement)/strike leaders, protest leaders, and civil society organizations representing women and youth. The NUCC will be formed based on those four groups. The NUG in consultation with the NUCC will implement the political roadmap outlined in the Federal Democracy Charter.
Young people are especially interested in the idea of a federal army. Could you explain how the CRPH is preparing for this?
As we will establish a democratic federal Union, we need an army that will safeguard that Union and that system. The federal Union army must be first a professional army and not one that uses violence against civilians, second, it must be under the management of the civilian government, third, it must be comprised of different ethnic groups.
The current military are overseen by the military council and, far from protecting the people, it has become a terrorist army that mercilessly kills the people. And it also looks to maintain its dominance in politics by using force. Under such circumstances, it has become the responsibility of the legitimate government to implement security sector reform. We have to prepare, train and organize systematically for this.
Can you explain which ethnic groups and leaders have participated in drafting the Federal Democracy Charter?
I have said that the charter is the common agreement. Due to the restrictions on individual groups given the current situation, we agreed that the CRPH should take the responsibility to issue the charter.
Though the Federal Democracy Charter generally outlines the rights of ethnic states, it does not clearly state the territory of the Bamar ethnic group or the other regions. Can you explain?
A parliamentary session will be held to design a federal democracy constitution according to the roadmap outlined in the Charter. The structure of the federal units will be designed along with the constitution.
Some people are frustrated with the CRPH, saying that the group can do nothing more than issue statements. What has the CRPH done and what are the improvements on the ground?
We understand that there is some frustration. The CRPH has taken responsibility for the future of the country. It is working to resolve the political crisis that has been going on for more than 70 years, while fighting the military dictatorship.
Discussing federalism is not as easy as it seems. We need to take time to avoid making mistakes. Only when we can build national solidarity, will we be able to win this fight. If we win this fight, it is fair to say the country will become a federal democracy.
People know what the CRPH can do. Issuing statements is part of our work as politicians to inform the people.
There are suggestions that civil war may break out when the people’s resistance to the military dictatorship reaches its peak. Do you think that will happen? What support will the CRPH provide if it does happen?
People, including Gen-Z, are determined to remove the military elites who have bullied and exploited the country for so many years. Myanmar’s Spring Revolution will use all the means possible. Whether there will be a civil war will depend on the military.
People across the country are resisting the military coup in various forms. The death toll is nearly 600. How long will people have to continue their resistance?
We feel as much pain as the people who have lost family members to the junta. What I can tell now is we are finding ways to end this game in a short time.
Is the CRPH open to negotiating with the military council, as some regional countries have suggested? If so, how will the CRPH negotiate? If not, why does the CRPH choose not to negotiate?
It is said politics is war without bloodshed and war is politics with bloodshed. There can be negotiation to reduce bloodshed. But we can’t forgive and forget. The military must answer for its arbitrary killings. It must be willing to abolish the 2008 Constitution and implement the roadmap outlined in Federal Democracy Charter. Then the channel for negotiation may be open.
How will the CRPH use the donations made by the public?
We are very grateful to the people who have actively raised funds for the CRPH. To answer your question, we will use the funds on works to establish the federal democratic Union.
Ethnic groups are concerned that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD leaders will not endorse the current commitments if they are released. What does the CRPH say about that?
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is a very charismatic leader. We believe she would accept that solutions (to solve the crisis) can change depending on time and circumstances.
What is your message to the people of Myanmar who are anticipating a people’s government and democracy?
It is the people themselves who will decide history. I would say that public support is vital for the CRPH.
News (9)
Russia's moves in Myanmar
By BERTIL LINTNER 5 April 2021
The presence of Russian Deputy Defense Minister Alexander Vasilyevich Fomin, dressed in his full colonel-general uniform, at the Armed Forces Day celebrations in Naypyitaw on March 27 has caused dismay in the country and raised eyebrows among many foreign observers. Even the Chinese, close allies of Myanmar’s military leaders, are usually more discreet than that. It has also been reported that on the day before the Feb. 1 coup, a group of Russians and Myanmar colleagues were having a party in Yangon, where the vodka flowed freely. Apparently they were celebrating the opening of a military high-tech multimedia complex in which the children of military chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing have a financial interest. It goes without saying that they also toasted the coup that was going to be launched the following day.
While Beijing has vital strategic interests in Myanmar—the only neighboring country that provides the Chinese with direct access to the Indian Ocean—distant Russia is more concerned about making money. With Western embargoes in place and a desire on the part of the Myanmar military policy to reduce its reliance on Chinese armaments, the country has over the past few decades become a lucrative market for the Russian war industry. Russia sold its first consignment of four MiG-29 jet fighters to Myanmar in 2001. That sale was followed by another ten MiGs in 2002. In 2006, the state-owned Russian Aircraft Corporation MiG, now restructured as the United Aircraft Corporation, opened an office in Yangon. The Myanmar Air Force has also acquired at least nine Russian-made Mi-35 Hind helicopter gunships, as well as twelve Mi-17 transport helicopters. The Hinds were used during an offensive against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in 2012-2013 and in Kokang in 2015. Russia has also sold heavy machine-guns and rocket launchers to Myanmar, and Russian-made tanks and armored personnel carriers have been obtained through Ukraine.
Moreover, Russian military instructors have been spotted at a Myanmar airfield, presumably to assist in maintenance of the attack helicopters. Such training is not new however; probably as many as 5,000 Myanmar soldiers and scientists have studied in Russia since the early 1990s, more than from any other Southeast Asian country. In 2007, Russia signed an agreement to build a nuclear research reactor in Myanmar, but construction has yet to be started and may not ever materialize.
In June 2010, before the election in November that year which led to the formation of a quasi-civilian government led by ex-general Thein Sein, the military announced that they would no longer send personnel to Russia for training. The announcement was probably part of a new policy to open up to the West and—again, and now in a different way—lessen the dependence on China. But long after that became official policy, Myanmar military personnel were present at a number of military schools and training facilities in Russia, including the Omsk Armor Engineering Institute, the Air Force Engineering Academy in Moscow, the Nizhniy Novgorod Command Academy, and the Kazan Military Command Academy. Some were also serving as cadets with the Russian Air Force.
On the soft-power side, the Russian language is being taught at Yangon University of Foreign Languages and there is a Russian cultural center in the old capital as well. There may not be many people in Myanmar who are eager to study Russian, but Moscow’s schemes for closer links with Myanmar’s military leadership was helped when the West’s turned its backs on Myanmar in the wake of the forced exodus of hundreds of thousands Muslim Rohingyas in 2017. Russia and China have in their capacity as permanent members of the UN Security Council veto powers that have been used consistently to block any attempts to take action against the murderous Myanmar generals.
But Russia’s involvement in Myanmar cannot be explained solely in the context of making money. The erstwhile Soviet United was once a major power in Asia and also a bitter enemy of not only the United States but also China, which saw the leaders in Moscow as “revisionists” and “traitors” to the communist cause. The Soviet Union had a close alliance with India and pro-Moscow regimes were in power in Vietnam, Laos and, after the Vietnamese intervention in 1978/79, also Cambodia. North Korea was neutral in the rivalry between the world’s two most powerful communist nations.
All of that disappeared after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the beginning of Boris Yeltsin’s chaotic rule in Russia, which then became a separate country. It needed the firmer hand of his successor Vladimir Putin to restore some of the old glory, and now the Chinese became allies in common cause against the United States and its power in the Indo-Pacific region. Russian influence over its old allies has vanished, but Myanmar has become a willing new partner in Moscow’s plans for playing a greater role in regional affairs.
Myanmar’s relations with Moscow have had many ups and downs since independence in 1948. There was no shortage of Leftists in Myanmar in the 1950s, but neither of the two communist parties at the time was leaning towards the Soviet Union. The Communist Party (Red Flag), led by the firebrand Thakin Soe, was staunchly Stalinist. From his jungle camp in the Arakan Yoma, he denounced the new party chief Nikita Khrushchev for condemning Josef Stalin at the 1956 congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Thakin Soe also vowed to shoot down any Soviet airplane which flew over his territory. When Myanmar’s military government called the rebels for talks in Yangon in 1963, Thakin Soe made his entry accompanied by a team of uniformed young women and placed a portrait of Stalin in front of him on the negotiating table. The other, much stronger Communist Party of Burma (CPB) became Maoist and, after the 1962 coup, began to receive massive, military support from China. In line with Beijing’s policies, the CPB denounced the Soviet Union as “revisionist.”
Reflecting the limits of Soviet influence in Myanmar in the 1950s, Alexander Kaznacheev, a Soviet diplomat who defected in the summer of 1959 to the West from his posting in Yangon and later wrote a book titled Inside a Soviet Embassy, refers an odd character called U Ba Tin (no relation to CPB theoretician yebaw Ba Tin alias H.N. Ghoshal) as “or man” in the country. U Ba Tin was a popular lawyer, a devout Leftist—and a romantic poet. Shortly after the Soviets had launched their first Sputnik in 1957, U Ba Tin had married an attractive young village girl and showed up at the Soviet embassy in Yangon. According to Kaznacheev, U Ba Tin showed him and other diplomats a poem he had written in praise of the Soviet Union. It lauded the Sputniks as stars that were leading Myanmar towards communism. The theme was coupled with the idea of the man’s own wedding; he likened his young wife to a Sputnik who would lead him to a similar paradise.
Apart from the friendship with U Ba Tin, the Soviet diplomats did have some contacts with the Burma Workers’ and Peasants’ Party, which was seen as a kind of above-ground communist party. But it was obvious that they could not rely on Myanmar’s Leftists in order to maintain some degree of influence in the country. Relations were therefore good with the elected government of U Nu, who in November 1955 paid a visit to Moscow. Soviet leaders Khrushchev and Nikolai Bulganin paid a high-profile return visit to Myanmar in December. Khrushchev promised to build a hotel on the shores of Inya Lake in the capital, a hospital in the Shan State capital of Taunggyi and to provide the prestigious Yangon Institute of Technology with new premises.
That did happen, but by and large the Soviet Union treated Myanmar with benign neglect verging on discreet sympathy both before and after the 1962 coup. The only major event in post-coup relations came in April 1973 when men loyal to the then imprisoned opium king Khun Sa kidnapped two Russian doctors at the Soviet-built hospital in Taunggyi. It was not until August 1974 that the doctors were released, and then through Thailand. Khun Sa’s men had told the Thais that the two doctors would be released unconditionally. But by strange coincidence Khun Sa was released shortly afterwards. What actually happened is hardly a secret: General Kriangsak Chamanan, the commander of the northern Thai forces, had been called in by Yangon to negotiate with Ronald Chang, Khun Sa’s uncle, for an exchange of prisoners.
That kidnapping incident marked a low point in relations between Myanmar and the Soviets, but Radio Moscow did maintain a Myanmar language service until the collapse of the union. It was always rather bland and had few listeners in Myanmar. They were therefore surprised when Radio Moscow in 1989 began broadcasting commentaries by Dr. Vasiliyev, a prominent historian, who called the 1988 pro-democracy movement in Myanmar “a genuine popular uprising against a feudal military system” and said that the military officers who ordered their troops to open fire on the students…were responsible for driving people into the streets to demonstrate.” Radio Moscow also featured interviews with prominent pro-democracy activists, among them Thakin Chit Maung, who warned that there “may be bloodshed” if martial law wasn’t lifted before the elections which had been promised for May 1990.
But that was during the glasnost (“openness”) and perestroika (“restructuring”) policies of Mikhail Gorbachev, the last leader of the Soviet Union. The Yeltsin years 1991-1999 showed minimal interaction between Myanmar and Russia. Then came the Putin era, and Russia began to show interest not only in arms sales and military cooperation but also in Myanmar’s oil and gas industry. Playing “religious diplomacy,” one of the first companies from the Russian Federation that became involved in Myanmar was one from the autonomous Russian republic Kalmykia, a Buddhist republic in European Russia. According to a report on Russian website Kommersant, on March 20, 2007, Kalmykia’s Kalmneftegaz “wins Burma’s Crude, Gas Tender on Religious Fellowship.”
But arms sales have been far more important for Russia’s central authorities than investment in the energy sector. In June 2013, Min Aung Hlaing paid his first of several visits to Moscow at the invitation of Russia’s Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu. A military cooperation agreement was signed in 2016 followed by a visit to Myanmar by Shoigu himself in January 2018. During talks with Min Aung Hlaing, Shoigu stressed that “Russia is set for development of partnership, strengthening of the armed forces’ combat readiness” and that the militaries of both countries “support regular contacts.” The Russian news agency Tass reported at the time of the visit that the two countries had agreed to “big plans for future cooperation.”
What that “future cooperation” will look like is far from clear in today’s, conflict-ridden Myanmar. There isn’t even a functioning government in power in Naypyitaw. Public anger with Russia runs deep after Fomin’s insensitive performance on Armed Forces Day—the same day that more than a hundred protesters were gunned down by the Myanmar military. And that animosity is not going to go away even if the coup-installed government manages to survive the current uprising against it.
Bertil Lintner is a Swedish journalist, author and strategic consultant who has been writing about Asia for nearly four decades. He currently works as a correspondent for Asia Times. His views are his own.
News (10)
India's stance on Myanmar
India has injected some clarity into its stand on Myanmar with the country’s permanent representative to the United Nations condemning the ongoing violence and demanding “release of detained leaders.”
India’s top envoy at the global body, T.S. Tirumurti tweeted on April 1 that he made these remarks during a “closed meeting” at the UN Security Council. This is India’s strongest statement so far since the Feb. 1 military coup in the Southeast Asian nation. The country has witnessed an unprecedented bloodbath in the past two months with the death toll crossing the 550 mark as of last week.
There is speculation that New Delhi “changed” its position under pressure from its ally, the United States. But India’s reaction appears to be too little and too late. The latest move comes days after the world’s largest democracy was criticized for its ‘tacit support’ to Myanmar’s military regime. On March 28, India sent its military attaché to attend the annual Armed Forces Day parade in Myanmar’s capital Naypyitaw.
The same day, Tatmadaw, as the Myanmar military is known, was accused of killing more than 100 civilians in what was seen as the most brutal and barbaric crackdown since the coup d’état.
In addition to India, seven other countries—China, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Laos, Thailand and Russia—attended the military parade. A section of India’s national media took exception to New Delhi’s position with hard-hitting editorials.
The fact that the United States, India’s closest ally and the world’s second-largest democracy, had asked countries to stay away from the event did not go unnoticed. The question that would bedevil India in the days to come is how it would distinguish itself from autocratic China when New Delhi has already made a policy decision to be a part of the US-led anti-China bloc QUAD.
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue or QUAD is a US-led initiative to counter China’s growing aggression in the Asia-Pacific region. The bloc comprising the US, Japan, Australia and India held its first-ever summit last month where their leaders discussed “regional and global issues of shared interest” and exchanged “views on practical areas of cooperation towards maintaining a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region.”
India’s ambiguous stand on Myanmar’s coup may have stemmed from its own strategic dilemma, but its continued silence on large-scale violence and the killing of civilians sent confusing signals to the world community, something Washington must have taken note of.
The US, for its part, has been consistent in condemning the military coup and the ongoing bloodbath that the Southeast Asian nation has been witnessing since the military generals seized power, overthrowing a democratically-elected government two months ago.
Tightening the noose on the junta regime, the US and the UK have imposed a series of sanctions on Myanmar’s generals and two military conglomerates–the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd (MEHL)–which control significant portions of the country’s economy.
The refugee crisis
Meanwhile, India has eased the rigid norms announced earlier to check the “influx of refugees” from neighboring Myanmar.
India’s northeastern region, which shares a 1,600-kilometer land border with Myanmar, is getting a continuous flow people from the neighboring country. Mizoram alone had received more than 1,000 people as of March 18, according to a state lawmaker. Similarly, Manipur has been witnessing the entry of people fleeing violence in Myanmar.
In its latest directive, India’s federal government has asked these states to maintain a record of the refugees and allow them to stay until the situation improves in Myanmar. Earlier, the federal government had issued strict guidelines asking the northeastern states to stop the influx of refugees saying India is not a signatory to the UN Refugee Convention of 1951 and its 1967 Protocol.
However, Mizoram defied the central government order and its Chief Minister Zoramthanga shot off a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, saying the federal government’s directives were “not acceptable.”
“I understand that there are certain foreign policy issues where India needs to proceed cautiously. However, we can’t ignore this humanitarian crisis,” he wrote. The CM also stressed the fact the Chin community, largely concentrated in areas just across the state border, has ethnic ties with Mizo people.
“Mizoram cannot just remain indifferent to their sufferings. India cannot turn a blind eye to this humanitarian crisis unfolding right in front of us in our own backyard,” Zoramthanga said in his letter.
The 2018 Land Border Crossing Agreement between India and Myanmar allows their citizens to cross the border and stay up to 14 days within 16 km.
The Adani Group controversy
While New Delhi attempts to shed ambiguity over its stand on Myanmar, Australian media outlet ABC News has recently published a sensational report alleging that India’s Adani Group was paying up to $52 million to a junta-controlled company that is facing US sanctions over human rights violations.
The ABC story was based on leaked documents from human rights lawyers and activists that showed Adani Group’s business dealings linked to a proposed container depot in Yangon. It also cited a video and photos showing the top leadership of Adani Ports meeting with Myanmar’s army chief in 2019.
In the wake of the Feb. 1 coup, Adani Group issued a statement denying it had engaged with military leaders over the 2019 approval of its $290 million port.
The $80-billion Adani Group is an Indian multinational conglomerate headquartered in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, Prime Minister Modi’s home state. It has diverse portfolios ranging from energy, infrastructure, ports and terminals, to defense, real estate to airports.
The Indian business behemoth has had its fair share of controversies both at home and abroad. In Australia, the group is still dealing with negative publicity for its Carmichael thermal-coal project, for which it won approval in 2019 after a decade-long struggle with regulators and environmentalists, according to a Bloomberg report.
Back home, India’s Defense Ministry, in January this year, dropped Adani Group from a mega submarine deal after the opposition Congress party had alleged that the Modi government was trying to favor the company.
(Jayanta Kalita is a senior journalist and author based in New Delhi. He writes on issues relating to India’s northeast and its immediate neighborhood. The views expressed are his own.)
News (11)
CCP troops arrive in Myanmar border town of Muse
Sources : NTDTV, The Irrawaddy
Rumor has it that the Chinese Communists arrived in Myanmar, and their vehicles were parked in Muse Township
On 6 April, some netizens broke the news that the Chinese Communist army had crossed the China-Myanmar border and arrived in the town of Muse in Myanmar. A large number of military vehicles were parked on the street. The video shows that each military vehicle has a five-star red flag of the Chinese Communist Party. There were no other vehicles or pedestrians on the street, only soldiers guarding with guns, and plainclothes men on the roadside filming.
It is said that the CCP claimed to protect Myanmar's natural gas pipeline. However, the mainland media did not report anything about this.
The Irrawaddy's report on 1 April
Several sources on the Chinese border reported that troops were gathering in Jiegao, opposite the Shan State border town of Muse.
Many Chinese soldiers and military trucks have arrived at the border in previous days.
Sources from ethnic armed groups said China was sending a warning signal to Myanmar.
TVBS News in Taiwan reported that Chinese troops are there to protect the natural gas pipeline without suggesting how.
In early March, the Chinese asked Myanmar’s military regime to protect the oil and gas pipelines following the emergence of anti-Chinese sentiment and protesters threatening to blow up the pipelines.
The 800-km twin pipeline project runs from Kyaukphyu in Rakhine State on the Bay of Bengal through Magwe and Mandalay regions and northern Shan State to China.
China has repeatedly insisted that the armed forces’ seizure of power from the democratically elected government is an internal affair, including at the United Nations Security Council and UN Human Rights Council.
In February, the Chinese Embassy in Yangon faced daily protests, demanding Beijing stops support for Myanmar’s military. Moreover, anti-Chinese sentiment has emerged in Myanmar, including boycotts of Chinese products.
On Monday, the tripartite Brotherhood Alliance of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, Ta’ang National Liberation Army and Arakan Army (AA) condemned the military junta after the civilian death toll rose to over 500.
The three groups warned the military that they would collaborate with other ethnic armed organizations and pro-democracy supporters to defend civilians from the regime’s brutal crackdowns. All three armies are based along the Chinese border and the AA also has substantial forces in northern Rakhine State, bordering Bangladesh. They can all challenge Myanmar’s military and have close relations with China.
News (12)
Myanmar regime thugs target doctors and clinics aiding the wounded
Early Saturday morning, troops of Myanmar’s military regime stormed into a doctor’s home in Mayangone Township of Yangon region and arbitrarily arrested the physician. His hands were tied behind his back, a black bag was put over his head and he was dragged away from his residence by soldiers and police, according to a witness.
The arrested man was orthopedic surgeon Dr. Kyaw Min Soe, a professor at University of Medicine, Yangon, who has been involved in the civil disobedience movement (CDM).
As they abducted the doctor, the soldiers and police swore at residents, destroyed closed-circuit TV cameras and threatened those present with guns. “Who dared to take the picture?” they asked.
“The way they arrested Sayargyi [a respected professor] is totally unacceptable. He was arrested like a criminal,” a doctor close to Dr. Kyaw Min Soe said.
The professor had been providing medical treatment to those injured in anti-regime protests. Some assumed that he was targeted because of that.
Some speculated it may also have been because of his close relationship with Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, a prominent figure in the CDM who has been appointed as an acting minister of three ministries by the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), Myanmar’s shadow government.
Doctors and healthcare workers who walked off the job as part of the CDM set up charity clinics for those needed emergency treatment and went undercover to treat patients wounded during crackdowns on anti-regime protests. Many public hospitals are closed because of the CDM. The popular movement was launched by medics and was later followed by other government workers nationwide, refusing to work under the men in uniform in an effort to make the country impossible for the regime to govern.
Frustrated with the failure of their violent crackdown to deter people from protesting, soldiers and police have using lethal force in search of protesters to arrest, dragging them out of hiding and beat them before taking them away.
Mobile medical teams and secret medical clinics giving treatment to wounded anti-regime demonstrators have been increasingly targeted with violence and arrests.
On Monday, soldiers and police raided a charity clinic in Sanchaung Township and arrested four volunteer medical staff members: Dr. Aung Kyaw Oo, Dr. Soe San Phyo, Dr. Chan Myae Zaw, and Ma Khin Su Su Tun. They also arrested five other volunteers.
On Friday, Dr. Nay Myo, a physician providing free medical treatment, was detained by plainclothes police in Bago region, after leaving his clinic.
“They were arrested while treating the patients. Is it a crime for doctors and nurses to save patients’ lives?” a doctor wrote on her Facebook account, calling for the immediate release of the detained medics.
A number of healthcare facilities in several areas including in Yangon and Mandalay were also raided and attacked last month.
One doctor, speaking anonymously to protect his security, told The Irrawaddy that regardless of the threats posed against them, the medics will continue their work helping those in need of treatment.
“If we don’t cure the patients who else will cure them? The soldiers blocked the hospitals to prevent from reopening and accepting the wounded anti-regime protesters. [They] raided and harassed the healthcare facilities. We can’t accept that. We won’t stop what we are doing whatever they threaten,” he said.
At least 11 other striking doctors—including Dr. Than Min Htut (Pindaya Mee Eain Shin), administrator of Pathein Township Hospital, Dr Pyae Phyo Naing, a doctor at Maezale Gone hospital, and Dr. Wai Wai Aye, a senior consultant chest physician—were arrested over the past two months. Many of them are still being held in detention.
Several medical students and medical affiliated university students were also detained by the regime for their active participation in anti-coup protests.
The regime has also issued warrants for a number of prominent doctors in the CDM, including Dr. Zaw Wai Soe, Dr. Khin Maung Lwin who is the rector of the University of Medicine Mandalay and Dr. Wai Wai Oo, the superintendent of a 300-bed hospital in Mandalay.
Hundreds of doctors who are actively involved in the CDM or leading the movement have gone into hiding to evade arrest.
A 17-year-old first year medical student Khant Nyar Hein in Yangon, a doctor Phyo Thant Wai in Mandalay, an assistant surgeon Dr. Thiha Tin Tun in Mandalay, and a 20-year-old nursing student Ma Thinzar Hein in Sagaing are among the estimated 570 people killed by regime forces.
News (13)
8 out of 11 Burmese talking to CNN released
Eight of the 11 people who were arrested by Myanmar junta security forces in Yangon last week for talking to a CNN reporter have been released, according to the US news network.
A CNN team led by the network’s chief international correspondent Clarissa Ward has been on a guided tour of Myanmar for the last week attempting to cover, with the regime’s permission, what is happening in the country.
Nationwide protests against the military’s Feb. 1 coup have seen more than 560 people, including children, killed in crackdowns by the regime’s security forces.
The eleven were arrested after talking to CNN in local markets in Yangon last Friday. Ward said it was a “very distracting incident” in her live report from Yangon on Monday.
Over the weekend, Ward had a chance to ask about the arrests during her sit-down interview with the regime’s spokesperson and was told that they would be released soon.
“They haven’t committed any crime. Eleven people got arrested. Security forces were worried that they provoked others and started the protest in the market. That’s why they got arrested. However, the government is arranging to release them as soon as possible,” said Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun during the interview, according to CNN’s report.
On Monday, Ward said that they were very relieved to be able to confirm that at least eight of the 11 people had been released. The fate of the remaining three is currently unclear.
“That’s really, truly great news,” said Ward in her report from Yangon.
On Tuesday, The Irrawaddy reached out to some of those released. But they said they were not comfortable about commenting on the incident at the moment.
News (14)
Churches raided by Myanmar military
Myanmar’s military regime has searched churches in Mohnyin Township, Kachin State, claiming illegal activity was taking place.
Northern Command troops searched Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC), Roman Catholic Association and Anglican Association churches in Mohnyin on Saturday.
“It was not a random search. They were thorough, climbed over fences and went into every building in the compound. An officer came through the door but did not say a word and went straight to search my house,” said Rev. Awng Seng of Mohnyin KBC.
Soldiers only said they had been informed a protest leader was inside the compound and that religious leaders were participating in anti-regime protests.
They also searched dustbins, said the priest.
“This is a religious site that shares Christian teachings. If they want to search, they should have sought faith leaders’ approval. Instead, weapon-wielding personnel arrived like they were conducting a military operation. It is unacceptable and I strongly condemn it. If they behave like this on religious land, we can’t imagine how they behave in people’s homes. Nowhere is safe,” said Rev. Awng Seng.
The security forces reportedly found nothing illegal in all three churches.
A member of the Roman Catholic Association said: “They searched everywhere. They were also after anti-regime protesters. They even searched our motorbikes.”
On March 13, the security forces carried out a midnight search at Kachin Theological College and Seminary (Nawng Nang) in Kachin State’s capital, Myitkyina.
The military, however, sought prior approval from the KBC to search the college.
Dr. Hkalam Samson, the KBC president, said: “We religious associations always preach for the truth. Buddhists, Hindus and Muslims do the same. As religious organizations always preach for the truth, searching religious buildings is appalling.”
Searches using unnecessary force were signs of a dictatorship, he said.
“Religious sites are sacred. Not to mention God, people don’t like bullying with rifles and boots in a sacred place,” he added.
On March 1, the security forces broke open the gate of a KBC church in Lashio, northern Shan State, and detained more than 10 faith leaders and staff for two days. They fired shots inside the church while looking for anti-regime protesters who had reportedly run into the compound.
With over 400,000 members and 429 churches, the KBC plays a leading role in Kachin political and social issues.
The KBC has said it opposes the military regime and has been holding daily prayer services, asking for a federal democracy with equality.
News (15)
More than 30 children killed by Myanmar military
More than 30 children ranging in age from 5 to 17 were among at least 510 people killed by the military regime’s forces across Myanmar since Feb. 1.
The death toll of minors reached more than 20 last Friday and exceeded 30 on Saturday, when at least 11 children were killed during the bloodiest violence unleashed so far by the regime’s forces against pro-democracy protesters. The total number of children killed could climb higher as the ages of several victims have not yet been confirmed.
Most of the youngest victims of the regime were shot dead while playing in their neighborhoods or sheltering inside their homes as soldiers and police opened fire randomly on residences. Some of the older children died while attending protests. A number of children including a 1-year-old baby have been severely injured as soldiers and police fired indiscriminately during their raids.
According to a humanitarian aid group, children were among those killed and wounded by the Myanmar military’s airstrikes on areas controlled by an ethnic armed group in Karen state.
Here are brief profiles of 34 of the children slain by the regime’s troops during their violent assaults against protesters since February.
Kyaw Min Latt, 17
March 30, Tanintharyi Region
He was shot by regime forces while passing by on his bike on March 27 in Tanintharyi Region’s capital Dawei and dragged away. He was pronounced dead on March 30. The death certificate from a military hospital where the teenager was believed to have been taken cites the cause of death as “a severe primary brain injury due to [a] fall from motorbike”.
—————————————————————————-
Aye Myat Thu, 11
March 27, Mon State
The little girl was playing in front of her house in Mon State’s capital Mawlamyine when she was shot in the head. She was buried on Sunday. Her drawing of a Hello Kitty picture, color pencils and toys were placed inside her coffin.
—————————————————————————-
Sai Wai Yan, 13
March 27, Yangon Region
He was playing in his neighborhood near railway staff housing in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township when soldiers and police raided the area at noon, causing the boy to run back to his home. As he was on his way, the Hindu boy was shot in the back of the head and his body taken away in a military vehicle. The family retrieved the body of the boy only the next day, when his funeral was held.
—————————————————————————-
Htoo Myat Win, 13
March 27, Mandalay Region
He was shot dead while playing around his home in Shwebo city. Video footage shows his grieving father holding his son in his arms while crying, “My son! My son was shot! He was killed!” Htoo Myat Win was about to undergo the Shinbyu novitiation, an essential and integral part of the life of Myanmar Buddhist males under the age of 20.
—————————————————————————-
Wai Phyo Naung, 15
March 27, Mandalay Region
He was shot dead during a strike in Amarapura on March 27. No further details are yet known.
—————————————————————————-
Pan Ei Phyu, 14
March 27, Mandalay Region
She was at her home when regime forces randomly opened fire on her neighborhood in Meikhtila city. The 14-year-old rushed to close all her home’s doors, but a bullet pierced a bamboo wall and struck the young girl in her chest. Her parents didn’t realize she had been shot until she collapsed.
—————————————————————————-
Hein Win Tun, 14
March 27, Mandalay Region
He was killed after being shot in the neck during a brutal crackdown against anti-coup protesters in Myingyan city on March 27.
—————————————————————————-
Yan Paing Oo, 17
March 27, Tanintharyi Region
He was killed in Shwepyithar ward in Kawthaung of Tanintharyi Region on Saturday. Locals reported that the teenager was shot dead at close range.
—————————————————————————-
Ye Yint Naing, 16
March 27, Shan State
In Muse, Shan State, the regime’s forces took the body of the Muslim youth after shooting him and never returned it. They burned the body without the family’s consent.
—————————————————————————-
Thwalaha, aka Htet Myat Thwin, 16
March 27, Ayeyarwady Region
He was shot dead by soldiers and police on March 27, the bloodiest day since the Feb. 1 coup, in Pathein Township. The youngest in the family, he was waiting to attend Grade 10 once his school reopened. A funeral was held for him in accordance with Islamic traditions.
—————————————————————————-
Myo Han, 16
March 27, Ayeyarwady Region
He was shot dead when soldiers and police opened fire while attempting to retrieve a plainclothes solider apprehended by the public in Pathein Township, Myanmar Now reported. His friend shared that the 16-year-old was passionate about restoring democracy and actively participated in every protest in the town.
—————————————————————————-
Lwin Ko, 16
March 27, Ayeyarwady Region
He was one of three teenagers in Pathein Township killed in a single day on March 27.
—————————————————————————-
Saw Ta Blut Soe, 5
March 27, Karen State
A 5-year-old boy was killed by a bomb during an airstrike in Day Pu No Village in Karen State’s Papun District as regime forces stepped up their offensive in areas controlled by the Karen National Union (KNU), according to the Free Burma Rangers. Tensions grew after the KNU announced it would stand by the people against Myanmar’s military after the Feb. 1 coup.
—————————————————————————-
Pho Htee, 16
March 24, Mandalay Region
He was shot dead when soldiers and police entered his neighborhood and opened fire indiscriminately in retaliation for residents’ banging of pots and pans, which has become a popular nightly form of protest against the military regime that citizens across the country engage in simultaneously.
—————————————————————————-
Khin Myo Chit, 6 years and 3 months old
March 23, Mandalay Region
The little girl ran into her father’s arms when soldiers and police kicked in the door and broke into her family home during a raid in their neighborhood in Chanmyathazi Township of Mandalay region. She said, “Ah Pa, I am scared,” as she sat frightened on her dad’s lap. Her sister said the junta’s troops told the girl, “This is not scared,” then shot her. Her father ran to seek medical treatment, but the child died on the way before she could reach a clinic. Her father said her last words were “It’s too painful.” Her 19-year-old brother was also hit and taken away from home during the raid.
Soldiers later returned in an attempt to take away the child’s body, but the family had already gone into hiding in fear of exactly that. Khin Myo Chit was buried at a Muslim cemetery with close relatives present on March 24.
—————————————————————————-
Tun Tun Aung, 14
March 22, Mandalay Region
The boy was fatally shot in the chest by the regime’s forces when he strayed out of the house to fill up water in front of the house while helping his mom with household chores. The killing came during an attack near a low-cost housing complex in Chanmyathazi Township of Mandalay Region. At the time of the shooting, no protests were taking place anywhere near the area. His family had to hold his funeral urgently because troops tried to seize the body.
—————————————————————————-
Moe Htet Wyne, 15
March 23, Mandalay Region
He was shot dead. No further details are yet known.
—————————————————————————-
Zaw Myo Htet, 16
March 21, Mandalay Region
A high school student, he was shot dead on the night of March 22 by security forces when he was looking around outside a tea shop where he worked in Chanayethazan Township of Mandalay Region. The native of Bago Region came to work as a waiter at the tea shop just two days before his death. He was working to earn money for his family while waiting for school to reopen. His body was taken forcibly the next day by the regime’s forces, claiming they needed to conduct an autopsy. Like many others, he was shot in the head.
—————————————————————————-
Aung Kaung Htet, 15
March 20, Yangon Region
His neighbors remembered the high school student as a “very active boy” who had taken part in every anti-regime protest in the area since February. He was shot by soldiers and police in Yangon’s Thaketa Township when they opened fire on anti-regime protesters in the area who were already dispersing. A bullet pierced Aung Kaung Htet’s cheek before exiting through his neck. Despite being rushed to a hospital, the boy didn’t make it.
—————————————————————————-
Thida Aye, 16
March 15, Mandalay Region
The teenager was shot dead in a house in the village of Chaunggyi, Thabeikkyin Township, Mandalay Region, at midday on March 15. The teenager had gone to stay at a friend’s home after hearing gunshots in the village. But while in the house, the girl was shot twice by a sniper who was on a hill some 1,000 feet from the village, her father said. She died soon afterwards. She was taken to a hospital in Singu Village and buried there as her family feared soldiers would grab the body if they brought it back to Chaunggyi.
—————————————————————————-
Yan Myo Aung, 16
March 15, Mandalay Region
He was shot dead when the regime’s forces opened fire with live rounds on anti-coup protesters in Myingyan Township of Mandalay Region. He wrote on his Facebook page that he had to fight as he didn’t want to live in darkness with no future.
—————————————————————————-
Aung Myo Zaw, 17
March 15, Mandalay Region
He was killed when he was shot in the chest by the regime’s forces. Security forces had opened fire with live rounds on anti-coup protesters in Myingyan Township of Mandalay region.
—————————————————————————-
Min Min Oo, 16
March 14, Mandalay Region
He received a fatal shot to the head while driving a motorcycle on March 14, and his body was taken away by the junta’s forces after he was killed. A funeral was conducted for him on March 20, even though security forces have not yet returned his body.
—————————————————————————-
Zue Wint War, 15
March 14, Yangon Region
The high school student died on the spot after she was shot in the head during a nighttime raid in South Dagon Township of Yangon Region. Her family shared her handwritten note, which said, “If I die in a protest, don’t rescue my body and leave it. And Keep Fight. If our revolution [succeeds], I will be happy to die.”
—————————————————————————-
Hein Htet Aung, 17
March 14, Ayeyarwady Region
The teenager was shot dead by soldiers and police in Pathein Township of Ayeyarwady Region on the night of March 14.
—————————————————————————-
Khant Nyar Hein, 17
March 14, Yangon Region
The first-year medical student was shot down on the street by the regime’s troops in Tamwe Township while he was taking part in a protest. Another protester tried to save him, but the police dragged his body away. The protester who attempted to save him was also arrested. The body of the teenager, who was an ethnic Chinese, was returned to the family later. “He was shot three times. How could he survive that? I’m so proud of my son. He hadn’t even turned 18 yet,” his grieving mother said at the funeral.
—————————————————————————-
Kyaw Zayar Htun, 17
March 14, Yangon Region
He was killed after being shot in the eyes and thigh by soldiers and police during a crackdown in front of a high school in Shwe Pyi Thar Township of Yangon Region. He was always on the front lines of the anti-coup protests.
—————————————————————————-
Hlaing Jack Maung, 16
March 14, Yangon Region
The grade 9 student was shot dead by soldiers and police during a crackdown on a strike in front of a high school in Shwe Pyi Thar Township of Yangon Region.
—————————————————————————-
Kyal Sin Hein, 16
March 14, Yangon Region
A grade 9 student who was always on the front line of anti-coup protests, he was killed after being shot in the head by soldiers and police during a bloody crackdown in Hlaing Tharyar Township. The boy’s body was taken away by the security forces and was not returned for the funeral.
—————————————————————————-
Min Khant Kyaw, a.k.a, Phoe Thae, 17
March 3, Sagaing Region
He was shot in the head during a crackdown on an anti-coup protest in Monywa city of Sagaing Region. The teenager had been volunteering in a rescue group, helping other protesters escape the violent crackdowns in previous protests. He posted a message to his parents three days before his death, apologizing for making them worry while he was away from home with the protests. He wrote that he would fight against the regime until the end because he did not want to live under the military’s boot.
—————————————————————————-
Nay Myo Aung, 16
March 3, Mandalay Region
He was killed when soldiers and police opened fire on residents who had assembled to reject the junta’s opening of a ward administrative office in Pyigyetagon Township of Mandalay region.
—————————————————————————-
Thiha Zaw, a.k.a Naung Naung, 16
March 2, Magwe Region
He was shot dead when the regime’s troops came into his ward in Taungdwingyi Township and opened fire.
—————————————————————————-
Sithu Soe, 17
February 28, Bago Region
He was fatally shot in the head by soldiers and police in a violent crackdown on an anti-coup protest in Bago Region.
—————————————————————————-
Wai Yan Tun, 16
February 20, Mandalay Region
He was shot in the head and died instantly during a crackdown on anti-coup protesters in Mahaaungmyay Township of Mandalay Region. His skull was fractured. Locals reported that he was shot by a military sniper while rescuing wounded protesters who had been shot.
Minors severely injured
A baby aged just 1 year old in Mayangone Township of Yangon Region, was shot with a rubber bullet in one eye as soldiers and police opened fire indiscriminately while conducting a raid on residences in the area. She survived the shot after undergoing surgery but lost sight in one eye.
A 5-year-old child in Mandalay survived a gunshot to the head as soldiers and police opened fire indiscriminately while conducting a raid on residences.
A 2-year-old was reportedly seriously wounded after being shot in the ear in South Dagon Township, Yangon, as the junta’s forces stormed into the area at night.
Naw T’paw La, 12, traveled to Day Bu Noh Village in Papun District of Karen State to attend school when she was wounded after being hit in the face by shrapnel from a bomb during an air raid by the regime’s forces on March 27, according to the Free Burma Rangers.
News (16)
The "prime culprit" in the Xi Mingze case was abused to shock. The lawyer denounced: This bunch of beasts
Reporter : Liu Minghuan / Editor : Wenhui / https://www.ntdtv.com/gb/2021/04/07/a103090733.html / Direct translation
Niu Tengyu, who was designated as the “mastermind” by the police in the case of Xi Jinping’s daughter’s personal information disclosure, was severely tortured to extract a confession, and details of the abuse continued to flow out. Niu Tengyu’s mother recently disclosed again that Niu Tengyu was used for a long time He was beaten with a whip and was abused to shock. Niu Tengyu's lawyer Bao Longjun denounced, "This bunch of beasts."
In the case of the personal information leakage of Xi Jinping’s daughter, Niu Tengyu, a 20-year-old defender who was designated as the “primary culprit” by the Maoming police in Guangdong, has been reported to have been abused by the police. His mother recently revealed to the Voice of Hope that Niu Tengyu was detained last year. When he was in the detention center, he was tied to a "tiger stool", a torture instrument that could kill him. In a few minutes, he was "the last big torture." So he was sent to a doctor for emergency treatment.
Niu Tengyu was only 19 years old when he was subjected to this torture. His lawyer Bao Longjun tweeted recently, "He is still a child, and these beasts really did it!"
Niu Tengyu’s mother also disclosed that while the young people involved in the case were detained in Foshan, they were removed from the “Guangdong Provincial Affairs” system. Many parents suffered from depression, mental illness, cancer because they could not find their children... The children even had minimal human rights. None, not even toilet paper or toothbrushes.
Niu Tengyu complained through a letter last month about being abused and forced to give false testimony.
Recently, Bao Longjun has replaced Niu Tengyu in accusing the Guangdong police of extorting a confession to make his right hand disabled. Therefore, he applied for the court to appraise the injury and handed in the application, hoping to revoke the first-instance verdict and send it back for retrial.
The case was triggered by the disclosure of the personal information of Xi Jinping’s daughter Xi Mingze and brother-in-law Deng Jiagui on the overseas "Red Bank Foundation" and "China Wikipedia" websites. The Guangdong Maoming Public Security Bureau who handled the case was accused of not being able to catch the overseas exposure, so it arrested 24 young people as "scapegoats" and sentenced them.
As the incident unfolded, the local police tortured to extort confessions, submit yin and yang documents, pressure lawyers, and threaten parents to call injustices and other shady scenes were continuously exposed.
News (17)
Wolf Warriors diplomacy angers Turkey, Chinese Communist Party ambassador summoned
Reporter : Li Yun / Editor : Deming / https://www.ntdtv.com/gb/2021/04/07/a103090599.html / Direct translation
Image : The picture shows, on 25 March 2021, Uyghurs living in Turkey participated in a protest in front of the Chinese Embassy in Ankara to protest against Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi's visit to the Turkish capital. (ADEM ALTAN/AFP via Getty Images)
Two Turkish politicians were criticized by the Chinese Communist Party’s ambassador Liu Shaobin for criticizing the CCP’s massive suppression of Uighurs in Xinjiang. The Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs summoned Liu Shaobin to express its dissatisfaction.
On 6 April, the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that it had summoned the CCP ambassador, but the Turkish authorities did not discuss more details.
Anadolu Agency reported that the Chinese Embassy's tweets on social media caused dissatisfaction, and the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs summoned Liu Shaobin for this.
The Chinese Communist Party’s ambassador to Ankara, Liu Shaobin, tweeted on the 5th, declaring that the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region is an inalienable part of Chinese territory. This is an internationally accepted and indisputable fact.
Another tweet claimed: China firmly opposes and strongly condemns anyone or any force to challenge China's sovereignty and territorial power. China reserves the right to make a proper response.
Both tweets marked important political figures in Turkey’s two main opposition parties, namely Meral Aksener, leader of the nationalist party Iyi Party, and Ankara, the left-wing party Republican People’s Party (CHP). The mayor of Yavas (Mansur Yavas).
Two Wolf Warriors' tweets from the Chinese Communist Embassy caused dissatisfaction among Turkish Twitter users, who left messages asking: "What are you going to do? Take the Turkish party leader and mayor from your home?" Are you going to a concentration camp?", "This is the Republic of Turkey, not Hong Kong.", "You have destroyed the whole world with a virus and caused death. Get out, apologize for that first."
Two Turkish politicians tweeted on the 5th: Commemorating the armed riots in Baren Township, Akto County, Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture, Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region from April 5 to April 6, 1990. They referred to it as a "slaughter" of Uyghurs by Beijing.
Ms. Aksenar said in a tweet, “We will never forget our brothers in prison. We will not remain silent in the face of their continued repression. East Turkestan will surely be free one day.”
Since the exposure of Xinjiang concentration camps in 2018, many NGOs and countries have accused the CCP of persecuting Uyghurs and imprisoning millions of Uyghurs in concentration camps. The United States believes that the CCP’s persecution of Uyghurs is genocide, and the parliaments of Canada and some European countries have also used this definition.
It is estimated that about 50,000 Uyghurs live in Turkey after fleeing Xinjiang. Turkey has long been the main defender of Uyghurs’ human rights.
In a statement in February 2019, the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs denounced China's atrocities against Uyghurs in Xinjiang, emphasizing that "the Chinese authorities' systematic policy of assimilation to Uyghur Turks is a serious human shame" and "more than 1 million Uyghur Turks have been arbitrarily used Arrests, torture and political brainwashing in concentration camps and prisons are no longer secrets."
In addition, the Turkish news website Duvar reported on the 25th that Mustafa Destici, chairman of Turkey’s far-right nationalist party, the Great Unity Party (BBP), made a blunt comment on the persecution of Uyghurs in Beijing, “If necessary, we will go to war. We are not afraid of any country in the world." He mentioned that a group of Uyghurs met with him and told about what happened in the concentration camp in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China. There are also people who went to study in Turkey and live in Turkey, and China put his mother, father, and brothers in concentration camps. Their fate is uncertain.
News (18)
Japan is rarely tough on the CCP. Expert: Related to Taiwan
Reporter : Luo Tingting Comprehensive Report / Editor: De Ming / https://www.ntdtv.com/gb/2021/04/07/a103090625.html / Direct translation
The foreign ministers of China and Japan spoke a few days ago, and Japan rarely urged China to stop invading disputed waters, improve the human rights situation in Xinjiang, and stop suppressing Hong Kong. Some analysts believe that Japan’s sudden stance toward the CCP has something to do with Taiwan. Japan has reached an agreement with the United States to jointly defend Taiwan, because the security of the Taiwan Strait is also directly related to Japan's security issues.
On 5 April, Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi called Wang Yi, the Foreign Minister of the Communist Party of China, for 90 minutes. Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement that Toshimitsu Motegi expressed “strong concern” regarding the CCP’s invasion of the waters around the Diaoyu Islands, the situation in Hong Kong, and the human rights issues of Uyghurs in Xinjiang.
Before the call between the Chinese and Japanese foreign ministers (on the 3rd), six warships, including the Chinese Communist Party’s aircraft carrier Liaoning, passed through the waters between the main island of Okinawa and Miyako Island, and entered the Pacific Ocean south. This is the first time a CCP ship has traversed the area since April last year.
According to France's analysis, Japan is generally more cautious to avoid angering the CCP's largest trading partner. Now Tokyo has suddenly become tougher towards Beijing, which may have something to do with Taiwan.
The high-level US military predicts that the CCP will attack Taiwan within six years. The CCP has recently continued to harass Taiwan, which has made the situation in the Taiwan Strait tense and poses a threat to Japan's national security. This has prompted Japan and the United States to reach a consensus on assisting the US military in defending Taiwan.
Ichiro Inoue, a professor at the Institute of Policy Research at Kansai Gakuin University, Japan, told VOA that the recent US-Japan joint statement showed that Japan and the US have begun to have common concerns in ideological competition with the Chinese Communist Party.
On 16 March this year, the foreign ministers and defense ministers of the United States and Japan held the "US-Japan Security Consultative Committee" (2+2) meeting in Tokyo. The two sides issued a joint statement, treating the CCP as a common challenge, expressing "serious concern" about Beijing's human rights violations in Hong Kong and Xinjiang, and particularly emphasizing the "importance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait." This is the first time that Japanese officials criticized the CCP by name.
At a press conference on 2 April, Japan’s defense minister Nobuo mentioned the military power of Beijing and Taiwan, saying that “the balance is leaning toward China (the Communist Party).” He expressed concern about this.
Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga also admitted frankly that he was upset about the movement of the CCP on the Fuji TV program on the 4th, and he had "personal feelings." He emphasized that in dealing with China-Taiwan relations, "the important thing is Japan-U.S. cooperation to create a peaceful settlement environment while maintaining deterrence."
Kyodo News reported on 5 April that Japan’s strategy towards the CCP is facing a major decision. The U.S. military intends to deploy missiles on the Japanese archipelago to deter the CCP and force the CCP to cancel the idea of attacking Taiwan.
Relevant persons in the Japanese government engaged in security work support the deployment of land-based missiles, believing that "Taiwan's defense is the most important issue directly related to Japan's security."
However, the Japanese government is also shrouded in cautious rhetoric about the deployment of missiles. At present, the Japanese government has not clearly stated its stance on the deployment of missiles, and is watching public opinion and the trends of various countries.
At a time when Sino-Japanese relations are tense, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga will visit the United States on 16 April and hold a meeting with US President Biden. In view of the increasing threats from the CCP to the security and stability of the Indo-Pacific region, international experts call for Japan to play a leading role in the region and join forces with the United States and other allies to more actively respond to the challenges posed by the CCP.
Associate Professor Ito Yasho from the Institute of Social Sciences at the University of Tokyo told VOA, “For Japan, the risk from China (the Communist Party) is changing from a bilateral political risk in the past to a broader risk of competition among major powers and geopolitical risks today. ."
He also wrote in an analysis article, "Under China's more centralized political system, the CCP's intervention in the market and the weaponization of its dependence on the economy are real risks for Japanese and Western companies."
The CCP's suppression of Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Xinjiang has also prompted the Japanese people to take a firm stand against the CCP. A poll conducted by the Pew Research Center shows that 86% of Japanese have a negative view of the CCP.
Japanese legislators also called for punishment of the CCP’s human rights violations. Bloomberg quoted former Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani as saying in March: "Japan is regarded as a country that pretends to be invisible to everything that is happening. This is shameful."
Moto Nakatani is the co-chair of an inter-party group of members of the House of Representatives on China policy.
Ryo Sahashi, associate professor of international politics at the Institute of Advanced Studies at the University of Tokyo, believes that if the leaders of the United States and Japan reach an agreement on the Taiwan Strait issue, it will mean that the leaders of the United States and Japan face the Taiwan issue for the first time in half a century.
He said, "The challenge Japan faces is whether domestic public opinion really supports Japan's role as a co-leader in Taiwan's emergencies, but at this stage there is at least enough support to adopt a tough diplomatic stance on the Taiwan issue and strengthen its confrontation in peacetime. The deterrence of China (the Communist Party)."
On the other hand, the change in Japan’s attitude has also stirred Beijing’s sensitive nerves, and the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs has threatened Tokyo not to follow in Washington’s footsteps.
Why did the CCP war wolves attack everywhere? Expert: There are three main purposes
Reporter : Li Yun / Editor : Li Quan / https://www.ntdtv.com/gb/2021/04/07/a103090704.html / Direct translation
Since the high-level talks between the United States and China, the CCP’s war wolf diplomacy has been escalated. CCP diplomats scolded the United States, France, Canada, and Japan. All kinds of crude remarks shocked public opinion. Some experts believe that the CCP’s war wolves are provoking all over the world and there are three main purposes behind it.
The Epoch Times published an article on the 5th by Dr. Wang Youqun, the secretary of the former Politburo Standing Committee member Wei Jianxing, stating that Yang Jiechi, director of the CCP’s Foreign Affairs Office, was in Alaska, the United States, “rebuking” the United States and elevating the CCP’s “war wolf diplomacy” to the highest diplomatic level of the CCP. Since then, the CCP’s war wolf diplomat has started a new round of global scolding wars.
In late March, the Chinese Embassy in France declared on its official website and Twitter that the era of so-called "lamb diplomacy" was over, and called French scholars "little rascals" and "trolls". After aroused criticism from the international community, the Chinese Consulate continued to verbally verbally claim that "if there are wolves, it is because there are too many mad dogs and too fierce."
On 28 March, Li Yang, the Consul General of the Chinese Communist Party in Rio de Janeiro, publicly humiliated Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau as a gangster and prodigal on Twitter, and turned Canada into an American running dog. On April 5, Li Yang jumped out to scold the Japanese prime minister. Claiming that Yoshihide Suga can only continue to make the world despise Japan and so on.
At the same time, Li Junhua, the Chinese Communist Party’s ambassador to Italy, also uttered bad words when attending the hearing of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Italian Parliament, mocking that the country’s “political virus” is more terrible than the Chinese Communist Party virus epidemic; Liu Shaobin, the Chinese Communist Party’s ambassador to Ankara, also tweeted, criticizing Important political figures in the two main opposition parties in Turkey.
Why did the Chinese Communist diplomats put on a fierce and fierce frame, provoking all over the world? This is extremely surprising and difficult for the international community to understand.
In this regard, Dr. Wang Youqun believes that the CCP has three main purposes in doing so:
One is to divert the spread of the "Chinese Communist virus" from the international community.
After the outbreak of the CCP virus in Wuhan in 2019, the CCP concealed the epidemic from top to bottom, suppressed doctors who told the truth, spread "undetected human-to-human transmission", "preventable and controllable" and other lies, and allowed virus carriers to fly from Wuhan to the world Various places, etc., caused the great plague to spread from Wuhan to the whole world. As a result, more than 130 million people have been infected and 2.87 million people have died worldwide.
This is the biggest disaster the CCP has brought to all mankind. Since March last year, civil organizations, industrial organizations, and local governments in the United States, Britain, Italy, Australia, India, Egypt, and many other countries have initiated a joint lawsuit against the CCP and demanding compensation. Moreover, it is an unbearable burden for countries around the world to hold the CCP responsible for the epidemic.
The second is to shift the international community’s accountability for the CCP’s persecution of human rights.
The CCP’s persecution of human rights involves many groups, including Xinjiang people, Hong Kong people, human rights lawyers, financial refugees, university professors who tell the truth, Falun Gong practitioners, petitioners, etc.
Recently, the U.S. government passed relevant sanctions against the CCP’s human rights persecution in Hong Kong and Xinjiang. However, Falun Gong is the most persecuted group in China.
The CCP has launched the persecution of Falun Gong since 1999, and it has continued for 22 years. The CCP has imposed more than 100 types of torture on Falun Gong practitioners, creating the greatest human rights disaster in the 21st century.
Since 1 May 2015, 210,000 Falun Gong practitioners have mailed criminal complaints against Jiang Zemin to the Beijing Supreme Court and the Supreme Procuratorate in real names.
In the past 22 years, parliamentarians, government officials, experts and scholars, human rights lawyers, the International Organization for Investigating the Persecution of Falun Gong, the Independent People's Court of London, etc., have been holding accountability for the CCP's persecution of Falun Gong.
In particular, the CCP’s large-scale live harvesting of organs from Falun Gong practitioners is the most brutal mass genocide, torture, and crime against humanity since Hitler’s massacre of Jews in the 1930s.
At the Nuremberg Trial after World War II, 12 criminals of the Nazi war were sentenced to death.
The culprit of the CCP's persecution of Falun Gong will definitely face the heaviest punishment if he is taken to the trial stand. In this regard, they have tried every means to show a tough line in the international community in an attempt to prevent the international community from holding accountable.
The third is to transfer the domestic crisis caused by the severe corruption of the CCP.
The arrogant performance of the CCP’s war wolf diplomat gave many people in the West who did not understand the truth of the CCP the feeling that the CCP is very strong and powerful. In fact, the CCP is very weak within it. The CCP’s full and complete corruption began with Jiang Zemin’s persecution of Falun Gong.
Jiang Zemin condoned his son Jiang Mianheng to do business, led the children of officials at all levels across the country to do business, and promoted and reused a group of severely corrupt elements. As a result, the CCP’s officialdom has become a big market for the exchange of power, money, power, and power. The CCP’s corruption is like a cancerous cell, which does not break apart and develops viciously.
Jiang Zemin's family is "the CCP's first greedy". According to Guo Wengui, a Chinese billionaire in exile in the United States, broke the news in April 2019 that the state assets controlled by the Jiang Zemin family amounted to at least US$1 trillion, and the amount of funds laundered was as high as US$500 billion.
Today, the CCP has become the most corrupt party in the world. The corruption of the CCP is based on the blood of the Chinese people. The CCP only represents the interests of a very small number of CCP’s powerful families, and does not represent the interests of the 1.4 billion Chinese people at all. On the contrary, it is a "slave owner", and the 1.4 billion Chinese people are its "slaves."
The CCP has always maintained its rule by high pressure and deceit. However, the awakened Chinese people have been resisting the tyranny of the CCP in various ways, which makes the CCP very uneasy. The CCP’s war wolf diplomats attacked from all sides, inciting the patriotism of the brainwashed people in the country, and intended to divert the domestic people’s dissatisfaction with the CCP and transfer the domestic crisis to foreign countries.
However, Dr. Wang Youqun also asserted that the CCP’s “wolf war diplomacy” will be defeated, and the ultimate result will only arouse strong resentment from all countries in the world, and finally accelerate the world’s cooperation to contain the CCP.
The CCP’s "wolf war diplomacy" also reminds the outside world of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the CCP under the leadership of the "Central Cultural Revolution Team" during the Cultural Revolution. In his memoirs, the late former CCP Foreign Minister Huang Hua described the CCP’s diplomatic work during the Cultural Revolution. He sent Mao quotations to the host country and required the establishment of a Mao statue, which led to diplomatic disputes between China and Myanmar. In 1967, Beijing also staged a fire on the British Chargé d’affaires in China. Incidents such as attacks on British diplomats and other incidents. The CCP’s "wolf of war" during the Cultural Revolution turned into an international lone wolf. Now a similar scene is repeating in the world.
News (21)
The Internet reveals that mainland residents died after being vaccinated, the official dumping on "basic diseases"
Reporter : Zheng Gusheng / Editor: Xiaohui / https://www.ntdtv.com/gb/2021/04/06/a103090308.html / Direct translation
China Kexing Vaccine has been launched in Hong Kong for just over a month, and there have been more than ten deaths. But despite the CCP's claim that more than 100 million people on the mainland have been vaccinated with domestically produced vaccines, there have been no reports of deaths. Online video shows that a suspected taxi driver in mainland China talked about the death of someone in his relative’s community after being vaccinated, but the official said that he “has an underlying disease” and did not report it.
On April 5, a Chinese mainland video circulated on overseas Twitter, the content is a suspected taxi driver chatting with a female passenger. The driver mentioned that a 50-year-old resident in the community where his aunt was located died after being vaccinated. The official said that the deceased "had an underlying disease" and the death had nothing to do with the vaccine. The driver said, but he did not see the local media reporting the incident.
In a community in the mainland, #打vaccine died. The authorities had a basic disease, and there was no news report. pic.twitter.com/vsfJU6sd0s
— News to watch (@MuYangLee_XWKD) April 5, 2021
The driver revealed that the local area only requires residents between the ages of 18 and 55 to be vaccinated, and the deceased was just under 55.
He also said that there was a basic disease, but people did not die when they were not vaccinated, and died after being vaccinated. "What is the actual situation, how can you say it?" Anyway, people died after being vaccinated.
The time and place are not shown in the video, and the driver's face is also mosaic. However, some Twitter netizens said that the accent seems to be in Hunan and Hubei.
Hong Kong has been vaccinated with Kexing vaccine for more than a month. Hong Kong media has counted 12 deaths after vaccination, and there have been reports of multiple serious side effects. Outsiders questioned that the CCP had concealed the death cases of domestic vaccines in China.
According to reports, when the Chinese people are vaccinated, they need to sign an agreement on the promise of "confidentiality" and the consequences of the vaccination.
At present, the Chinese Communist Party is using various methods to coerce and lure people into vaccinating domestically-made vaccines. However, various sources indicate that the vaccination rate among the CCP system and medical staff is very low.
News (22)
Hong Kong opens vaccination again, and 5 more people are sent to hospital for treatment
Reporter : Liu Minghuan / Editor : Wenhui / https://www.ntdtv.com/gb/2021/04/07/a103090706.html / Direct translation
Hong Kong reopened on April 5 for people to receive BioNTech and Fosun Pharma’s "Fobitai" vaccine, but it was reported that 5 Hong Kong residents experienced dizziness and high fever after being vaccinated. Adverse reactions such as blood pressure should be sent to hospital for treatment.
According to comprehensive media reports, the Hong Kong government announced on April 6 that five people had adverse reactions after being vaccinated with the BNT vaccine and were sent to hospital for treatment. After the first dose of vaccine, a 56-year-old man was dizzy and sent to the hospital, and a 74-year-old man was sent to the hospital. The woman had symptoms of high blood pressure, and some people had similar unhealthy symptoms after 2 doses. Another 72-year-old man felt discomfort in his chest after receiving the second dose of BNT vaccine and needed to be hospitalized for observation.
It is known that as of 8 pm on the 6th in the past 24 hours, 2700 people have received the first dose of Kexing vaccine, about 6,200 people have received the second dose of Kexing vaccine, about 12,800 people have received the first dose of BioNTech, and 16,500 people have received the first dose of Kexing vaccine and the second dose of BNT vaccine.
The Hong Kong government stated that 615,500 people in Hong Kong are currently vaccinated against the Chinese Communist virus, accounting for about 7.7% of the Hong Kong population.
Earlier, the Hong Kong Department of Health confirmed on the 4th that a 62-year-old Hong Kong man was found to have difficulty breathing in the street on the morning of April 2. When an ambulance arrived at the scene, he found that he had a cardiac arrest. He was rushed to the hospital and died.
The deceased was vaccinated with Kexing vaccine on 8 March and was diagnosed with hypertension on 1 April.
According to reports, Kexing Vaccine is the first CCP virus vaccine launched by the Beijing government in Hong Kong. It was hurriedly approved for emergency use in Hong Kong by the Hong Kong Government’s Vaccine Advisory Committee in February this year. However, because the third phase test data of Kexing Vaccine is reported to have not been published in international medical journals, and it does not meet the standards set by the Hong Kong government earlier, people from all walks of life have widely questioned that the Hong Kong government has given the green light to Kexing Vaccine under pressure from Beijing."
Since Kexing vaccine was introduced in Hong Kong on 28 February, 12 people died after being injected, and another 8 people suffered facial paralysis after being vaccinated with Kexing vaccine, which greatly frustrated Hong Kong people's confidence in vaccination.
No comments:
Post a Comment