1992 Consensus? 92 Strange Consensus! !

1992 Consensus? 92 Strange Consensus! !

Research, report, image : Wang Chengmin / Editing, translation : Gan Yung Chyan, KUCINTA SETIA

Ma Ying-jeou became the first outgoing Taiwanese president to visit the mainland by paying homage to his ancestors.

Once you talk about Ma Ying-jeou, the 1992 consensus or the 1992 without consensus cannot be separated.

The 1992 Consensus is a political term related to cross-strait relations. This term refers to the unwritten tacit agreement gradually formed after the talks in Hong Kong in 1992 by the Taiwan Strait Exchange Foundation and the Cross-Strait Relations Association, which are non-official organizations authorized by the governments on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. However, at the end of the negotiations, the two sides did not immediately admit that a consensus had been reached. At the end of the talks, the term 1992 Consensus had not yet appeared.

Let us first take a look at the following text from Lee Teng-hui's "Proposition of a New Taiwan":

In the legislative elections held in January 2008, the opposition Kuomintang won a landslide victory. Immediately afterwards, in the presidential election in March of the same year, KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou (born in Hong Kong in 1950) won an overwhelming victory over DPP candidate Hsieh Chang-ting (born in Taipei in 1946). Eight years later, the Kuomintang regained power. The results of the election show that the people of Taiwan are disappointed with the administration of the DPP government. The people of Taiwan look forward to the win-win situation of the Legislative Election and the Presidential Election for the Ma government and the KMT to "full-scale governance and full responsibility" and move toward democratization and revitalization.

Ma Ying-jeou accelerated his tilt towards CCP after becoming President of the Republic of China

However, this expectation was quickly dashed. After the Kuomintang government came to power, President Ma accelerated his tilt towards CCP China. In order to open direct charter flights between Taiwan and mainland China, and to attract Chinese tourists to visit Taiwan, they even admitted the non-existent "1992 Consensus" and prepared to involve Taiwan in the vortex of "one China".

The "1992 Consensus" is a consensus without consensus

In 1991, when Lee Teng-hui was President, Taiwan abolished the "Temporary Provisions for the Mobilization and Anti-Rebellion Period" and ended the state of civil war with CCP China. In 1992 the following year, Taiwan's and China's counterparts held their first business meeting in Hong Kong. At that time, the Chinese side arbitrarily advocated "reaching a consensus on one China", which was called the "1992 Consensus". Of course Taiwan did not agree. In other words, the "1992 Consensus" is a consensus without consensus. Based on this fictitious historical foundation, the Ma government has continued to negotiate with China to this day.

A strategist plotting the reunification of Taiwan and China, trying to establish a trend toward reunification during President Ma's tenure. In fact, regardless of political or economic measures, the Ma government is aiming at unification, ignoring the promise made to the people during the presidential election: "Taiwan's future must be determined by the 23 million Taiwanese people."

Lee Teng-hui's view on the relationship between Taiwan and China is the "special state-to-state relationship" he mentioned in an exclusive interview with "Deutsche Welle" in 1999. Taiwan is a "sovereign and independent country" and a "country whose sovereignty rests with the people". The relationship between Taiwan and China is by no means within the so-called "one China" ministry relationship. 

However, the Ma government, as if giving up its sovereignty on its own, defined cross-strait relations as "two regions" and "two authorities." In other words, Ma Ying-jeou declared that "it is not a state-to-state relationship." This kind of self-denial to the outside world is not what a sovereign and independent country should do but an act of betraying the Republic of China and failing the people's expectations.

Taiwanese did not give Ma Ying-jeou the authority to "renounce sovereignty"

In the 2008 presidential election, although the people of Taiwan elected Ma Ying-jeou as president, it did not mean that the people of Taiwan gave him the authority to "renounce sovereignty" and not to mention, it is definitely not allowed to "turn Taiwan into a part of China".

Next, read the window on the 1992 Consensus in Yu Jie's "China on the Tip of the Knife-Fifty Windows Through China":

The concept of "priest group" proposed by Li Zhide in "Journey without Shore" can be called an upgraded version of "cross-sea political and business group".

As the author said, the so-called "priest groups" on both sides of the strait refer to those who gather around the Haiji, ARATS and CPPCC, the "KMT-Communist Platform" or other blue army elders. The "1992 Consensus" and "the two sides of the strait are one family" are actually political and business groups that share the economic interests of both sides of the strait. They transform the "state affairs" into a "private affairs" composed of relatives, friends and political party groups, from which they control and annex a considerable part of the "peace dividend". This concept more precisely describes the psychological and value background of the members of the group. For example, in the dinner with "old friends" of Chen Yunlin, Lien Chan, and Wu Boxiong, thousands of police officers were able to guard them, clear the way, and even shed blood, but they felt it was a matter of course and had no shame. This "superior" self-feeling is also a prominent psychological characteristic of members of the "priest group".

How did the "Priest Group" create the "1992 Consensus"?

The most exciting part of this book is to sort out the process of the "priest group" creating the "1992 Consensus" in a nutshell.

Once upon a time, the "1992 Consensus" became a "curse" in cross-strait relations. In Li Zhide's words: "The disputes brought about by the different political systems and different values on both sides of the Taiwan Strait were shelved with the establishment of the 1992 Consensus. If someone insists on bringing up these differences again, it is 'ignorance of current affairs'. They are 'troublemakers' who 'do not see the historical trend of cross-strait peace'."

During the election campaign for the mayor of Taipei, Ke Wenzhe said that his biggest doubt about the "1992 Consensus" for a long time was "what is the content?" ──The core of the "1992 Consensus" is that both sides of the Taiwan Strait express their adherence to the "one China" principle verbally.

However, former Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui denied the existence of the "1992 Consensus". Lee Teng-hui pointed out that in the early 1990s, China raised the title "Taiwan is a province of China", but at that time he carried out the adjustment of the functions, business and organization of the Taiwan provincial government, which is commonly known as "frozen province", and advocated that "Taiwan is a province of China". It's a state-to-state relationship." Therefore, the term "1992 Consensus" invented by former Secretary-General of the National Security Council Su Qi was not recognized by China at that time. The "1992 Consensus" advocated by China now refers to "one China, and Taiwan is a province of China." This is unacceptable to the people of Taiwan.

All disputes must be restored to the historical scene at that time to have the truth. Both Wang and Gu who participated in the talks have passed away, but Li Zhide restored Gu Zhenfu's trip to China in 1998. When talking with the leader of the Communist Party of China, Jiang Zemin, Gu bluntly pointed out that the obstacle to cross-strait relations is "the mainland authorities' denial of the presence of the Republic of China."  Jiang Zemin responded that he was also from the "Republic of China era". He sang "The Three People's Principles, Our Party's Daughter" on the spot and recited the "Father of the Nation's Testament" with endless interest.

The media mostly focused on Jiang Zemin's "crazy" character, but Li Zhide paid attention to Gu Zhenfu's "courage to defend the dignity of the country and demeanor that is neither humble nor overbearing". Gu Zhenfu did not agree with the term "1992 Consensus" during his lifetime. He pointed out: "The two sides of the strait have different interpretations of the 1992 Hong Kong talks. ' is closer to the facts." This passage is rarely mentioned. It can be seen that Gu Zhenfu who is respected by the Kuomintang and the Communist Party is not the real Gu Zhenfu, but the Gu Zhenfu who was castrated and distorted by the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.

The "1992 Consensus" of Kuomingtang has two parts

After 2008, the "1992 Consensus" called by the Kuomintang included two parts: adherence to the "one China principle" and "respective expressions of the meaning of one China". However, the CCP only adopts the "one-China principle" and avoids "separate representations." Around 2010, it even used the "one-China framework" to tighten the possibility of Taiwan's "separate representations" of the status quo. This is the most absurd part of the "1992 Consensus": the two sides of the strait have completely different understandings of the connotation of this term, so where does the "consensus" come from?

九二共识？九二異识！！

资料搜集/原文： 王程明

马英九借祭祖成为第一个卸任的台湾总统走访大陆。

一旦谈起这个人就分不开九二共识或有九二无共识。

九二共识是一个与台海两岸关系有关的政治术语。这个术语指在1992年，台湾海峡两岸政府授权的非官方组织海峡交流基金会、海峡两岸关系协会，在香港会谈之后经由口头协商而逐渐形成的不成文默契。但是在当时谈判结束之时，双方并没有立即承认共识已经达成，在会谈结束时，九二共识这个名词也尚未出现，其至于含义为何，两岸并无交集。

先让我们看一看下面来自李登辉的《新台灣的主張》的文字：

二○○八年一月举行的立法委员选举中，在野的国民党获得压倒性的胜利。紧接着，同年三月的总统选举，国民党候选人马英九（一九五○年生于香港）对上民进党候选人谢长廷（一九四六年生于台北市），也获得压倒性的胜利，时隔八年，国民党重新夺回政权。选举的结果显示，台湾人民对民进党政府的施政感到失望。台湾人民期待着，立委选举与总统选举双赢的马政府与国民党，能够"全面执政、全面负责"，迈向民主化、重新振作。

但是，这份期待很快就落空了。国民党政府上台后，马总统加速向中国倾斜。为了开放台、中直航包机，以及争取中国观光客到台湾观光，竟然承认了子虚乌有的“九二共识”，准备将台湾卷入“一个中国”的漩涡中。

一九九一年，我担任总统时，台湾废除“动员戡乱时期临时条款”，结束与中国之间的内战状态。来年一九九二年，台湾与中国的对口机关在香港举行首次事务性的会谈。当时，中国方面擅自主张“针对一个中国达成共识”，称为“九二共识”。台湾当然没有同意。换言之，“九二共识”是没有共识的共识。马政府在这个虚构的历史基础之下，至今持续与中国进行协商。

图谋台、中统一的策士，企图在马总统任内确立朝统一迈进的趋势。事实上，不论在政治或经济上的措施，马政府都是以统一为目标，无视于总统选举时对人民许下的承诺：“台湾的前途必须由二千三百万台湾人民决定。”

我对于台、中关系的看法，就是一九九九年接受“德国之声”专访时所说的“特殊的国与国关系”。台湾是一个“主权独立国家”，是一个“主权在民的国家”。台、中关系绝非所谓“一个中国”的内

部关系。但马政府却像是自行放弃主权似的，将两岸关系定位为“两个地区”、“两个当局”。也就是说，他等于宣告了“不是国与国的关系”。这种对外自我否定的做法，不是主权独立国家应有的作为，是背叛国家、辜负人民期待的行为。

二○○八年的总统选举中，台湾人民虽然选出马英九为总统，但并不代表台湾人给予他“放弃主权”的权限。更不用说，绝对不是允许他“把台湾变成中国的一部分”。

接下来读一读余杰的《刀尖上的中國-透視中國的五十道窗》中有关九二共识这一道窗口：

李志德在《无岸的旅途》中提出的“祭司集团”的概念，堪称“跨海政商集团”的升级版。

如作者所说，所谓两岸“祭司集团”指的是聚拢在海基、海协两会、“国共平台”或其他蓝军大老的四周，奉“汪辜巨灵”为宗主，言必称“九二共识”、“两岸一家”，实则分食两岸经济利益的政商集团。他们将“国事”转化为某个由亲人、朋友和政党集团的“私人事务”，从中把持和吞并相当一部分“和平红利”。这个概念更精确地描述出该集团成员的心理及价值底蕴。比如，那场陈云林和连战、吴伯雄的“老朋友”的饭局，居然能够役使上千名警力为他们戒备、开道，甚至流血，却觉得理所当然、毫无愧色。这种“高人一等”的自我感觉，也是“祭司集团”成员很突出的心理特征。

“祭司集团”是如何打造“九二共识”的？

这本书最精彩的部分，是抽丝剥茧地梳理了“祭司集团”打造“九二共识”这个弥天大谎的过程。

曾几何时，“九二共识”成为两岸关系中的一道“紧箍咒”。用李志德的说法就是：“海峡两岸不同政治制度和不同价值观所带来的争议，都随着九二共识的确立而搁置。如果有人坚持要再提出这些分歧之处，就是‘不识时务’，就是‘看不到两岸和平历史潮流’的‘麻烦制造者’。”

在台北市长的选战中，柯文哲表示，他长期以来对“九二共识”最大的疑虑是“到底内容是什么？”话音刚落，中国国台办发言人马晓光立即在记者会上作出响应──“九二共识”的核心是，海峡两岸各自以口头方式表示坚持“一个中国”的原则。

但是，台湾前总统李登辉否定了“九二共识”的存在。李登辉指出，90年代初，中国抛出的题目是“台湾是中国的一省”，但当时他执行台湾省政府功能业务与组织调整，也就是俗称的“冻省”，并主张“台湾与中国是国与国关系”。所以，前国家安全会议秘书长苏起发明的“九二共识”这个名词，当时并不被中国承认。而现在中国主张的“九二共识”，是指“一个中国、台湾是中国的一省”，这是台湾人民不能接受的。

所有的争议都要还原到当时的历史场景中才会有真相。参与会谈的汪辜二人都已过世，但李志德还原了辜振甫1998年的中国之行，辜在与中共领导人江泽民会谈时，直言不讳地指出，两岸关系的障碍是“大陆当局否定中华民国的存在”。江泽民响应说，自己也是“民国时代”的过来人，当场唱起“三民主义，吾党所宗”，还意犹未尽地背诵《国父遗嘱》。

媒体多聚焦于江泽民“人来疯”的性格，李志德关注的却是辜振甫“捍卫国家尊严的勇气和不卑不亢的风度”，这种勇气和风度成了绝响。辜振甫生前并不认同“九二共识”这个词汇，他指出：“两岸对九二年香港会谈有不同的解读，与其用‘共识’，不若用‘互相谅解’或‘承诺’、‘附和’更能贴近事实。”这段话却少有人提及。可见，被国共两党推崇的辜振甫，并非真实的辜振甫，而是被国共两党共同阉割、扭曲的辜振甫。

2008年之后，国民党口中的“九二共识”，包括坚持“一个中国原则”和“对一个中国意义各自表述”两部分。但中共只取“一中原则”而回避“各自表述”，2010年前后，更是用“一中框架”的说法，收紧了台湾“各自表述”现状的可能性。这就是“九二共识”最为荒谬的地方：两岸对这个名词的内涵的理解完全不同，那么又何来“共识”之有？