The junta has recently targeted striking educators and administrative staff who refused to serve under military rule with arrests, warrants and suspensions from their jobs.
Since the last week of April, the regime has been issuing arrest warrants against teachers and education staff who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) on charges of incitement.
As of Tuesday, 220 teachers, including professors, headmasters and headmistresses, education officers and officials, have been put on the list.
A number of teachers who went on the strike were recently arrested, charged or sentenced. Announcements of suspensions from their jobs were also issued.
Regardless of the growing threats, many striking educators and staff carry on their resistance against the junta.
Myanmar Teachers’ Federations said about 60 percent of the academics at universities and colleges resisted the junta’s reopening of campuses. The junta announced the reopening on May 5 of universities and colleges that had been closed for more than a year due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Those striking academics, more than 19,000 out of a total of 35,000 teachers in universities, colleges, have been suspended from their jobs for carrying on their strike against the regime.
And in public schools for basic education, more than 100,000 teachers and education staff out of a total of 450,000 [that is around 27 percent] joined the CDM, according to an initial announcement by the Ministry of Education on April 23.
Starting on May 7, the junta has issued suspension orders to striking teachers and education staff at public schools nationwide. Among those who have been suspended are custodial staff, security officers at schools, lab technicians, teachers, principals and officials under the basic education department of Ministry of Education.
“The reopening of the schools is just to show the country is well under the control of the military rather than concern for disrupted education,” an official from the teachers’ federation, who asked to be anonymous, told The Irrawaddy.
He said that though some CDM teachers relented and returned to work in fear of being arrested after the junta ramped up detention, many of them would carry on the strike until the military regime collapses.
“We are determined to continue the fight until the fall of the dictatorship and return of a civilian government elected by the people,” said the official, who himself was recently suspended from one of Yangon universities.
A teacher from Yangon Region who was recently suspended from her job said she is proud to stand against injustice even though it meant she had to give up of a job she adored.
“I will only return to work under our elected civilian government,” she added.
Facing a shortage of educators, the military regime is recruiting lecturers and is planning to give promotions to non-CDM professors to replace striking academics. In public schools, the regime is calling for daily wage teachers to substitute for teachers on strike.
Meanwhile, the regime continues to pressure striking educators to give in. In some cases, the junta has arrested the relatives of teachers, holding them as hostages to force teachers to return to work.
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Students boycott against 'military slave education'
It is not only teachers, but also students who are boycotting the “military’s slave education.” Student protesters said they won’t attend or enroll the classes under the regime whose forces have killed hundreds of youths including high school students and children.
The teachers’ federation predicted about 80 to 90 percent of university students boycotted classes by refusing to attend or enroll.
The junta also plans to open public schools on June 1, but many students have expressed that they don’t want education under the dictatorship.
Parents have also expressed concern for the safety of their children due to the likelihood of violence amid the regime forces’ continuing brutal actions against civilians.
Making matters worse, a number of schools across the country were set on fire or bombed with homemade grenades by unknown attackers. The regime claimed that school attacks were carried out by “rioters,” using its label for anti-regime protesters. The Irrawaddy can’t independently verify the junta’s claims. Despite the attacks on schools, the regime still insists it will open schools as scheduled on June 1. During a press conference last week, a regime spokesperson said the regime would provide enough security for schools but refused to reveal any details, citing security matters.
Meanwhile risk of contracting COVID-19 is also another cause of concern as Myanmar still detects a dozen cases daily. The regime has said it would deliver facial masks and shields to students free of charge.
A high school student said he and his friends wouldn’t return to school until the revolution prevails. “We will go to school only when Grandma Suu [State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who was put under detention at the time of the Feb. 1 coup] is released.”
Newly-built camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) who have fled the mountain town of Mindat, Chin State, urgently need food and medicine. The number of IDPs is rising daily.
Beginning last Wednesday, a series of shootouts between junta troops and civilian fighters of Mindat’s Defense Force took place at Mindat over a period of several days.
On Saturday, the regime’s troops seized the town after bombarding it with artillery. Following the shootouts, junta soldiers continued to fire randomly throughout the town for days. Meanwhile, they destroyed houses and looted the belongings of Mindat residents.
Due to the shootouts, 90 percent of Mindat’s population of 25,000 fled their homes. In addition, others who had been trapped in the town are now leaving daily, according to local residents.
About 8,000 to 10,000 people have been sheltered in seven newly-built IDP camps in the forest, according to volunteers at the camps. Many other residents had fled to homes of their relatives in nearby villages in the township after hiding in the forest for days.
“We are unable to provide enough food for such an amount of IDPs. We have not enough food as road transports are blocked. So there are many IDPs who cannot have a regular meal,” said a volunteer of the camps.
He said the camps also need medicine for the IDPs to protect from illnesses such as cholera and malaria. They also need nutritional supplements for several infants and pregnant women.
Local residents told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the town has been cut off from access to the water supply, though the random gunfire from junta soldiers in town has ceased.
Junta troops have also urged the remaining residents still left in the town to reopen their shops and markets, according to a member of Mindat’s People Administration.
On Tuesday night, a resident who had fled from Mindat died due to an underlying health condition after he had been unable to go to the hospital, according to local residents.
In addition, an 18-year-old boy who had been hiding in the forest died after falling from the mountain as the result of an epileptic seizure.
After learning that many of Mindat’s residents are sheltering in the temporary camps, Dr. Win Myat Aye, the minister of humanitarian affairs and disaster management of Myanmar’s civilian National Unity Government said on his Facebook page on Tuesday that the NUG is attempting to send humanitarian aid and food supplies to the refugees.
On Monday, a 10-year-old girl was seriously injured in Mindat after being shot in the neck while she was hiding in her house. She was hit by random gunfire from junta troops. The girl was not able to receive proper medical treatment for an entire day because of the presence of regime soldiers in the town. On Tuesday, she was sent to a hospital in Myingyan Township, Mandalay region after she was allowed by the junta troops to leave the town.
UNICEF in Myanmar has urged on Monday that all people, particularly children and young people, remaining in the area be allowed access to medical care and critical humanitarian services.
The shootouts between junta troops and civilian resistance fighters of Mindat’s Defense Force lasted for about five days.
During the battles, the military regime used heavy explosives, artillery, rocket-propelled grenades and automatic weapons, while reinforcements were flown into the town on helicopters.
In contrast, the Mindat civilian defense fighters were armed with old-fashioned, homemade hunting rifles.
During the shootouts, about nine civilian fighters were killed and about 20 were wounded.
Meanwhile, several junta soldiers were reportedly killed and at least about six military vehicles loaded with ammunitions and weapons were destroyed after being seized by civilian fighters.
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KIA attacks seven tankers supplying "aviation fuel" for regime
The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has attacked seven tanker trucks in northern Shan State with artillery on suspicion that they were carrying aviation fuel for Myanmar’s junta.
The trucks were attacked on the Union Highway and Kutkai-Hseni road, transporting fuel from China through Muse.
KIA information officer Colonel Naw Bu said the armed group attacked five tanker trucks on the Union Highway, two in separate attacks on the Kutkai-Hseni road on Monday and Tuesday.
“People told us that the fuel is not for public use but for the military council, so we opened fire,” said Col. Naw Bu.
There was no fighting with the military in northern Shan State, apart from the attacks, he said.
Myanmar’s military has been using jet fighters to retake control of the strategic hilltop Alaw Bum base on the Chinese border in Kachin State’s Momauk Township, which was seized by the ethnic armed group in late March.
The outpost allows the KIA to control the road between Kachin State’s capital, Myitkyina, and Bhamo, also in Kachin State. The armed group has also attacked the Myitkyina airbase and Bhamo Airport with artillery, reportedly forcing Myanmar’s air force to fly from Shan State’s Lashio, Mandalay and Meiktila in Mandalay Region to attack Momauk.
The KIA had reason to believe the tanker trucks were providing jet fuel to bomb Momauk, Col. Naw Bu said.
“They attacked with two jet fighters yesterday in Momauk,” he told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
The military regime has not commented on the attacks and The Irrawaddy was unable to find out what had happened to the drivers.
“All we know is two tankers, one today and one yesterday, have burned down between Kutkai and Hseni. We don’t go out when we hear gunfire,” said a resident.
The National Energy Puma Aviation Services Co Ltd, a joint venture between Singapore-based Puma Energy Co and the government-owned Myanmar Petrochemical Enterprise, is Myanmar’s major supplier of aviation fuel. But Puma Energy suspended imports following the military coup in February, disrupting supplies.
The regime has since reportedly been importing Chinese aviation fuel.
The KIA was negotiating a ceasefire agreement with Myanmar’s military before the Feb. 1 coup but clashes broke out on March 11 after the security forces shot dead peaceful anti-regime protesters in Myitkyina.
The KIA has launched attacks on military and police outposts in Kachin State.
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Myanmar Navy deserters speak out against military regime
Two sailors from the Ayeyarwady Naval Region Command recently contacted the People’s Defense force (PDF) in Yangon’s Twante Township in order to join the civil disobedience movement (CDM). The township PDF members have taken the two men to a safe place.
Although hundreds of military personnel of all ranks have reportedly gone on strike, only a few soldiers holding the rank of private have joined the CDM because of the junta’s imposition of a news blackout for military personnel, as well as pressure and intimidation.
The two sailors talked to The Irrawaddy about why they joined the CDM and their views on the current situation.
Why did you join the CDM?
We have seen the military bullying the people. For example, when something happens they arrest all the people nearby and then beat them if they can’t confirm who did it. We feel very sorry to see people beaten like that. We didn’t take part in torture. We didn’t beat people. But when we are in uniform, people look at us with disgust. We can no longer stand that. That’s why we have joined the CDM.
What are your views on the coup?
We were told about the takeover only after 8am on the morning of the coup. They told us the takeover was not a coup and we took that for granted. But we have witnessed how they beat and torture the people who express their opposition to the coup. We don’t think that is fair and it has pushed us to join the CDM.
What do you say about the revolution?
Citizens have human rights. They have the right to express their views. But the soldiers don’t exercise any restraint, they torture them. And they don’t just torture, they shoot the people dead. That is not just.
How is the situation in the military?
As far as I can see there are soldiers who oppose [the killings]. But they have their family members living inside the barracks. So there is no way out for them. They are trapped due to the risk of something bad happening to their families. They know [what the military is doing] is not fair. But they can’t walk away. They are unwilling, but they can’t refuse to obey orders. They have families and children. They are threatened by being told that their families and children will get into trouble if they do something.
So there are pressures and intimidation. Are there any incentives given to them?
No, there are no incentives. I don’t know if there are incentives for higher-ups, but for lower-level personnel, there are only orders. They know it is not fair. Officers are mostly educated. They know it is not fair. But they can’t relinquish their positions.
We heard that stricter rules have been imposed in the military. Is that true? If it is, what are they?
They still give us our salaries. Sentry duty has been increased from two to four hours. And military personnel are not allowed to leave the barracks without permission.
What do you say about the ongoing fighting?
In a revolution you can’t fight alone. In the case of Mindat, the people fought alone and the uprising was quashed. If a revolt is to be staged, it would be better if all people rise up together on an appointed date so that the military can’t use all of its force on a particular town. If one town alone is resisting stiffly, the military will just use a larger force to suppress it. Only when it can quash the town, will it be able to silence the rest of the country. It would be better if a date is chosen and the whole country rises up together on that date. If only a few places are resisting here and there, the military will crush them and people will suffer. It is not effective and only leads to people suffering.
What are the strengths and weaknesses of the people fighting the military?
The military has weapons and they are trained soldiers. As for the people, the whole country, young and old, has the will. But they have never received any military training. So even if they have weapons and fight the military, they aren’t very effective.
What do you want to say to the military council?
What is happening is that the lower-level military personnel drink and use drugs. The higher-ups can’t handle those cases. If a civilian is arrested for drug abuse, he will be given long-term imprisonment. But in the military, soldiers are only locked up for two weeks for using drugs. The senior officers can’t even handle cases of drug abuse, so there is no way they can manage a country.
Why did you choose to be a soldier?
The soldiers we saw when we were young were loved by the people. But what they are doing now is just the opposite of what I believe and what I want to be. We can’t stand that. So we have decided to join the CDM and stand by the people.
What would you like to say to your colleagues who want to join the CDM, but can’t because of their families?
I’d like to ask them always to stand by the people without fear. If we remain under the regime’s thumb because of fear, nothing will change. The responsibility of the military is to defend the country. It can’t defend and rule the country at the same time.
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Myanmar regime reorganizes committees to press ahead with BRI projects
Myanmar’s military regime has reorganized three crucial committees as it pushes ahead with plans to implement giant infrastructure projects that are a key part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), despite the political crisis caused by the junta’s coup and protests against China over its suspected support for the regime.
Anti-China sentiment has risen sharply in Myanmar since the Feb. 1 coup. Pro-democracy protesters have called for people to oppose all Chinese projects and to boycott Chinese products, after China and Russia blocked efforts by the United Nations Security Council to condemn the military takeover.
But with international investors shunning the military regime, China is one of the few countries willing to do business with the coup leaders and invest heavily in the country.
The latest official gazettes reveal that the junta ousted all civilian government members of the China Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) Joint Committee in March and replaced them with its own appointees. The committee plays a crucial role in engaging with Beijing on the implementation of BRI-related bilateral economic development projects, including determining key projects, signing Memorandum of Understanding and conducting government to government negotiations.
Beijing signed an agreement on CMEC in 2018 with the ousted National League for Democracy (NLD) government. The estimated 1,700-kilometer-long CMEC is a crucial part of the BRI and will connect Kunming, the capital of Yunnan in southwest China, with Myanmar’s major economic hubs — first to Mandalay in central Myanmar, then east to Yangon and west to the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Rakhine State.
The CMEC Joint Committee now includes not only key economic ministers appointed by the coup leaders, but also members of its governing State Administrative Council in the states and regions – Magwe, Mandalay, Rakhine, Yangon, Shan and Ayeyarwady – that the CMEC will pass through. The regime has also removed the clause that encourages the participation of Myanmar people in the establishment of CEMC, one of the main functions of the committee under the NLD government.
Moreover, the junta has also reorganized the members of the central committee for the implementation of the Myanmar-China Cross-Border Economic Cooperation Zones (CBECZ). The committee is set to play a major role in drawing up implementation policies, in the management of the zones and in pushing to gear up the projects. Under the CMEC agreement, the Cross-Border Economic Cooperation Zones are planned to be constructed in Shan and Kachin states, along Myanmar’s border with China.
The CBECZ is one of the projects that China’s President Xi Jinping has branded as a crucial pillar of the CMEC that is needed to deepen “result-oriented BRI cooperation”.
Now, the junta has also restructured the working group committee of CBECZ with its own members. They will work jointly with their counterparts from China to discuss implementation of the projects on the ground, including negotiations for detailed projects, working on field investigations and drawing up the framework agreement to construct the project.
During Xi’s visit to Myanmar last year, Beijing and the then NLD government agreed to speed up CMEC projects, including the Kyaukphyu SEZ, New Yangon City in Myanmar’s commercial capital and CBECZ in Shan and Kachin states.
The Kyaukphyu deep seaport is a planned trade hub that would give China direct access to the Indian Ocean and allow its oil imports to bypass the Strait of Malacca, between peninsular Malaysia and the Indonesian island of Sumatra. The multi-billion dollar New Yangon City project is also part of the CMEC plan, although the NLD government decided to reduce the size and cost of the scheme’s first phase.
Despite the agreements signed during Xi’s trip to Myanmar, none of the projects that are most important to China had moved to the actual implementation phase under the NLD government. The civilian government said it was carefully reviewing all the projects, especially their commercial viability and whether they were in line with the national development plan.
In April, a report by the UK-based think tank Chatham House warned that China’s refusal to condemn the military regime endangers its interests in Myanmar as anti-Chinese sentiment grows, despite the junta’s efforts to implement the BRI projects.
Senior research fellow Dr. Gareth Price said “China’s ‘laissez-faire’ attitude so far puts them under threat, as some Chinese factories have been burned down and protesters have threatened to blow up pipelines.”
Beijing has called for dialogue to resolve the political crisis in Myanmar, while labelling the coup “an internal affair” and saying that the international community should not interfere. China has also failed to demonstrate sympathy towards the innocent civilians killed by the regime’s security forces during their deadly crackdowns, prompting many Myanmar people to believe that Beijing is supporting the junta.
In its latest effort to put pressure on the military regime, the Biden administration has imposed sanctions on the junta’s governing body and key figures of its administration, including those in charge of economic and monetary policy.
The US has added Myanmar’s State Administration Council (SAC) to a list of its targeted sanctions. The body was created by coup leaders to support its unlawful overthrow of the democratically elected civilian government, the US said.
Thirteen of the individuals sanctioned are key members of the military regime, which the US said is violently repressing the pro-democracy movement in the country and is responsible for ongoing violent and lethal attacks against the Myanmar people, including the killing of children.
The other three individuals are the adult children of senior military officials General Maung Maung Kyaw and Admiral Tin Aung San. Both of them are members of the SAC and were blacklisted by the US in February.
Among those sanctioned is U Than Nyein, who was appointed by the regime as governor of the Central Bank of Myanmar following the military takeover.
Another two figures are Dr. Pwint San, the minister for commerce, and U Win Shein, the minister for planning, finance and industry, who are currently playing key roles in managing the country’s economy under the regime.
U Ko Ko Hlaing, the minister for international cooperation, has been sanctioned as well. The US also added Dr. Thet Khaing Win, minister for health and sports, and U Khin Maung Yi, the minister for natural resources and environmental conservation, to the targeted sanctions list.
Another key figure is U Thein Soe, the chairman of the military-appointed Union Election Commission, who claimed the results of the 2020 general election, which brought a landslide victory to the National League for Democracy (NLD), were invalid.
Four SAC members are included on the sanctions lists. All of them were blacklisted by the EU in April.
Mahn Nyein Maung, a former Karen National Union leader and ex-political prisoner, ran unsuccessfully for the Lower House in Ayeyarwady Region’s Pantanaw Township for the Karen People’s Party in the Nov. 8 general election.
New National Democracy Party Chairman U Thein Nyunt and National Democratic Force Chairman U Khin Maung Swe are also on the sanctions list. Both are former NLD members who quit to take part in the military-organized 2010 general election and served as MPs until 2015.
Ethnic Shan politician and SAC member U Sai Lone Hseng is also included in the sanctions list. He was a Shan State speaker representing the military-proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party.
“Burma’s military continues to commit human rights abuses and oppress the people of Burma. Today’s action demonstrates the United States’ commitment to work with our international partners to press the Burmese military and promote accountability for those responsible for the coup and ongoing violence,” said Andrea Gacki, director of the Office of Foreign Assets Control, an agency of the US Treasury Department.
At least 802 civilians have been killed and 5,210 arrested by the regime’s forces since the military coup on Feb. 1, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP).
Key SAC cabinet members who have so far evaded US sanctions include U Wunna Maung Lwin, minister for foreign affairs; U Aung Naing Oo, minister for investment and foreign economic relations; and Daw Thet Thet Khaing, minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement.
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